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Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Senate Foreign Relations Chairman Jim Risch pose with interns after a July hearing. It is essential internships — even remote positions — remain available, according to Harris and Bhatia.
How to keep internships vital to a functioning Congress during Covid
Aug 28 2020
Harris, a former congressional intern and aide, is CEO of Popvox Inc., an information and resources platform for civic engagement and legislating. Bhatia is a legislative correspondent for Democratic Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts and founder of the Modernization Staff Association.
<p>Remote work is changing congressional internships, and that's not all bad news. </p><p>Remote internships are expanding opportunity and bridging the traditional gulf between Capitol Hill and members' offices in their districts, although they can be tough for offices — and interns — to navigate. Several organizations are stepping up to provide resources and support to ensure that offices are able to continue their internship programs in these exceptional times.<br></p><p>A <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QYPUZgwOWfQ&feature=youtu.be" target="_blank">recent webinar</a> on managing successful remote internships in the era of Covid-19 — hosted by <a data-linked-post="2639015361" href="https://thefulcrum.us/college-to-congress" target="_blank">College to Congres</a>s, the <a data-linked-post="2638674385" href="https://thefulcrum.us/congressional-management-foundation" target="_blank">Congressional Management Foundation</a> and the Modernization Staff Association — featured new research on the prevalence of remote internships, and a few surprising benefits. Remote work has "leveled the playing field" for staffers in D.C. and their colleagues in the field, a study by CMF revealed, and helped make interns and full time staff in the district feel more connected to the policy work occurring in Washington.</p><p>Today's interns are tomorrow's staffers. So it is essential these positions remain available, even remotely, both for the help they provide to offices and the important opportunity for young people to learn about Congress. Last year, the House took a significant step to expand the internship pipeline by <a href="https://cha.house.gov/member-services/house-paid-internship-program" target="_blank">authorizing</a> $25,000 a year for every office to help pay interns. These stipends make it easier for students from a variety of backgrounds and economic situations to spend time on the Hill. And now the House has refined the rules to allow $10,000 annually in compensation for district office interns.</p><p><p style="text-align: center;" id="sufn"><a style="font-weight: bold;margin:40px auto;font-size:2rem" href="https://thefulcrum.us/st/newsletters">Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter </a></p></p><p>During the pandemic, though, most interns are limited to remote work, a development that may actually expand opportunities for students around the country to (virtually) experience Capitol Hill. In an example that may be applicable to Congress, NPR received<a href="https://current.org/2020/08/how-to-find-a-pubmedia-job-in-a-pandemic/?wallit_nosession=1" target="_blank"> 20,000+ applications</a> for its internships this year — a tenfold increase over the year before that it attributed to the potential for remote interns to work from anywhere. As one producer <a href="https://twitter.com/brandonetc/status/1291525407171391488" target="_blank">tweeted</a>, it's "almost like our industry's reliance on NYC- and DC-based jobs is reducing our potential talent pool." </p><p>The executive director of Pay Our Interns, Carlos Mark Vera, explains: "The vast majority of internship opportunities are concentrated in five cities across the country — Washington, New York City, San Francisco, Chicago and Los Angeles. That puts working class youth who cannot afford to relocate at a severe disadvantage and limits their opportunities. Capitol Hill internships are no different. Remote congressional internships can level the playing field by taking relocation and housing costs out of the equation, but it is still important for offices to pay interns. While those working remotely do not have the same expenses as an in-person internship, many still have to pay bills." </p><p>Hiring and managing remote interns can be challenging, however, and some offices chose to reduce or suspend their programs this summer. "The lack of interns has increased the workload of staff, particularly the constituent services team," CMF's Bradley Sinkhaus said. "One office mentioned that interns 'are invaluable in rural districts' and offices miss having interns to mentor and train."</p><p>A significant complication is the <a href="https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44491.pdf" target="_blank">limitation</a> on access to technology for unpaid House interns. Paid interns can be provided with official devices and remote access to the office network. But unpaid interns are not allowed to access personal constituent information, like correspondence or casework, if working from home. </p><p>Offices have been getting inventive in creating substantive remote programs that benefit both the interns and the office — having interns compile press clips, write responses to form letters (that are then sent through the office system by a staffer), draft speeches, suggest social media posts, and take notes at meetings, hearings and briefings.</p><p>Several organizations collaborated on a "virtual intern project" to provide intern-specific resources. <a href="https://www.collegetocongress.org/" target="_blank">College to Congress</a>, which provides training, mentoring and financial support for Hill interns, recently announced its online curriculum C2C-U will be available for free to all congressional interns for the rest of the year. Its training modules span the gamut from the legislative process to writing constituent letters, and can help lighten the load for intern coordinators within congressional offices. "All of our online resources apply to both in-person and remote working positions," CEO Audrey Henson said of her curriculum. "One of my biggest hopes is for more offices to take advantage of this opportunity to hire from a wider range of backgrounds since remote working has eliminated some of the large, prohibitive expenses."</p><p>Also, the Modernization Staff Association has updated its <a href="https://medium.com/intern-update/capitol-hill-work-from-home-guide-5550fb9478ed" target="_blank">Capitol Hill Work From Home Guide</a> with tips for junior staffers and intern coordinators. CMF maintains <a href="https://www.congressfoundation.org/component/content/article/134" target="_blank">guidance</a> for a successful internship program. And Popvox is sharing a weekly <a href="https://medium.com/intern-update" target="_blank">newsletter</a> to keep Hill interns connected and informed — even when operating remotely.</p><p>Not surprisingly, many of the people spearheading these efforts are former interns. We know Hill internships open doors and change lives, and that Capitol Hill is better for the energy and perspective these young (and sometimes not-so-young) people bring. As Congressional offices begin to make their plans for the fall, we strongly encourage them to offer internships and to tap into available resources to make these internships a success.</p>
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"The rapid spread of coronavirus has made it unsafe and unwise for members of Congress — many of whom are among those most likely to become grievously ill — to convene in person," argue Daniel Schuman & Marci Harris.
Big rules changes required, and quick, for Capitol Hill to respond to coronavirus
Mar 11 2020
Schuman writes the First Branch Forecast weekly newsletter and is policy director for Demand Progress, a nonprofit group advocating for civil liberties, civil rights and government reform. Harris is a former House aide and CEO of Popvox Inc., an information and resources platform for civic engagement and legislating.
The rapid spread of coronavirus has made it unsafe and unwise for members of Congress — many of whom are among those most likely to become grievously ill — to convene in person.
Current rules, however, require members to be physically present to vote on the floors of the House and Senate. If our legislative branch is to respond effectively to this crisis and play its vital constitutional role as a check on the executive and judicial branches, it must act now to give itself the option to convene in a temporary emergency remote session.
As speaker, Nancy Pelosi has the power to convene the House outside of the chamber if the public interest requires it; Senate leaders have similar powers. Whether the House or Senate could convene online in virtual session, however, is a different matter and likely would require each chamber to vote — and in person — to amend their rules in advance.
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The unique circumstances of the coronavirus pandemic make it necessary for the House and Senate to do so now.
<p>By Friday, members of both chambers will leave Washington for a long-scheduled week of working in their districts or states, a time when no official votes are held. (All congressional travel has been canceled for next week.) With multiple governors declaring states of emergency and the spread of the virus accelerating, we may face worse circumstances than now by the time Congress is set to reconvene in 10 days. That may include a federal emergency declaration and the invocation of presidential emergency powers; the situation ahead will likely require legislation and congressional oversight concerning the emergency response, in addition to Congress' normal duties. </p><p>Most likely, it will be difficult to safely bring members back to Washington. That is why Congress must act before the week is over to permit its leadership to temporarily convene the chambers in emergency remote sessions — where members are deemed present even if they participate online — and to direct relevant committees to set rules and provide mechanisms for legislative functions to be done virtually. And that should include voting. </p><p>This will not be easy. Congress has underinvested in its own technology for decades, and online deliberations and voting requires both money and technological improvisation to adapt congressional and private sector tools. While many organizations are transitioning to remote work, Congress is not a business. Legislating is a relationship-driven process and in-person votes are where much work is done. </p><p>And so this emergency measure should be time-limited and require regular votes for renewal. Any effort must ensure that the public and media have access to all official deliberations.</p><p>All Americans hope these fears are overblown, that current efforts to mitigate harm will be successful and that our health system will meet the needs of those impacted by the virus. But in the tragic event these hopes do not bear out, Americans expect their elected officials to make wise decisions — including maintaining their own health and safety so they collectively can carry out their duties and fulfill their oaths to "support and defend the Constitution of the United States."</p>
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"If automation of some parts of franking review is a priority for members, it might be time to invite vendors to propose solutions," argues Marci Harris.
How 18th century rules for congressional 'mail' could work in the 21st
Oct 31 2019
Harris is the CEO of Popvox Inc., an online platform providing information and resources for civic engagement and legislating.
The Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress on Thursday takes up what some might consider the most arcane, inside-baseball, boring topics on Capitol Hill — but one that I get very excited about given its potential to keep congressional information from going totally off the rails: franking!
The congressional franking privilege, which originally allowed members of Congress to send official mail to their constituents at government expense, dates from 1775, when it was approved by the First Continental Congress. Of course, this privilege was abused over the years, leading to the creation of the Congressional Franking Commission, which is charged with regulating and limiting how official resources are used for communication.
<p>Today, "franking" creates a process for handling incoming constituent correspondence — electronic and paper — and it creates a set of rules for what communications members may and may not send out of their office. For example, campaign material is not permitted. Hill offices also may not process or respond to letters received from outside their states or congressional districts. This makes sense when you consider all the members of Congress who aspire to higher office, and so might be tempted to spread their influence a bit more widely than just to those they are elected to represent. To this day, a letter that arrives from outside the House member's district will be stamped "professional courtesy" and forwarded — usually unopened — to the office of the lawmaker who represents the sender. Similarly, congressional webforms limit incoming messages to residents of the district or state represented by the lawmaker, and the House's "Communicating with Congress" system for digital message delivery will not process correspondence from non-constituents.</p>
<p><p style="text-align: center;" id="sufn"><a style="font-weight: bold;margin:40px auto;font-size:2rem" href="https://thefulcrum.us/st/newsletters">Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter </a></p></p><p>Franking also restricts the content and reach of outgoing messages from congressional offices. For example, electronic newsletters may only be distributed to subscribers and must undergo a franking review ensuring they do not include partisan or personal content. Offices may not send more than 500 of the same unsolicited emails at one time. Offices may not use official resources to invite non-constituents to participate in official online or telephone town halls.</p>
<p>As with websites, email and now social media, the Franking Commission has faced a slew of new questions in the past two decades about how official resources should be used by lawmakers online. And that distinction between "official" social media and personal or campaign social media accounts is important, especially given recent lawsuits challenging members' ability to block or mute individuals online. (For an in-depth look at that, see "<a href="https://medium.com/@marcidale/public-official-twitter-blocking-unconstitutional-31dd73b8719a" target="_blank">Public Official Twitter-blocking Unconstitutional?</a>")</p>
<p>As before, franking must balance the need to steward public resources responsibly, counter incumbent advantage, and ensure that official accounts are not used to spread overtly political, personal or false information. </p>
<p>Of course, franking restrictions necessitate an independent review of official content, and that can be time-consuming and frustrating for legislative offices. Already in several Modernization Committee hearings, members have asked how this approval process might be improved and, where possible, automated. That's something the committee should explore.</p>
<p>At the recent legislative data and transparency conference, Lisa Sherman, chief of staff to Rep. Susan Davis of California, <a href="https://youtu.be/hTZ0MPGPY74?t=18136" target="_blank">shared</a> an innovation on the franking front and what will no doubt be a boon to researchers: a soon-to-be-released public digital hub allowing search (by office and date) of all franking-approved content from the past few years. This treasure trove of publicly accessible information will provide tremendous insight into the messages lawmakers are sharing with constituents using official resources. For those interested in automating some parts of the franking process, this record could also provide data to "train" an automated system to make an initial assessment (subject to human review) and provide automated compliance suggestions to member offices. </p>
<p>If automation of some parts of franking review is a priority for members, it might be time to invite vendors to propose solutions.</p>
<p>The original "frank" was the signature of a member of Congress in place of a stamp. But, of course, our communications today are primarily digital so how might we think about a "digital frank"? </p>
<p>At a time of rising concerns about altered images and "deep fake" videos, it is worth a conversation. Some in the tech industry are already working on ways to provide authentication metadata for documents, images and videos. It is not unrealistic to imagine a near future when the Franking Commission's mandate would expand — from approving use of official resources for creation and dissemination of content, to providing a new kind of digital "frank" or authentication token to verify the content is unaltered and was produced with official resources. The technology exists; the question is whether Congress or the Franking Commission will recognize this kind of information security as falling within its mandate and move preemptively to address the issue.</p>
<p>While the frank may, at first, feel like a relic of bygone days and the Pony Express, the rules developed over the years provide an important guidepost for the current era. At a time of declining trust in institutions, the media and, yes, Congress itself, the Franking Commission is the rare example of an institution that has maintained standards for truthful, apolitical content, something that is needed more than ever. Vive la Frank!</p>
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