Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

How best to prepare for a brokered convention

Kamala Harris waiving as she exits an airplane

If President Joe Biden steps aside and endorses Vice President Kamala Harris, her position could be strengthened by a ranked-choice vote among convention delegates.

Anadolu/Getty Images

Richie is co-founder and senior advisor of FairVote.

As the political world hangs on whether Joe Biden continues his presidential campaign, an obvious question is how the Democratic Party might pick a new nominee. Its options are limited, given the primary season is long past and the Aug. 19 convention is only weeks away. But they are worth getting right for this year and future presidential cycles.

Suppose Biden endorses Vice President Kamala Harris and asks his delegates to follow his lead. She’s vetted, has close relationships across the party, and could inherit the Biden-Harris campaign and its cash reserves without a hitch. As Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.) suggested, however, Harris would benefit from a mini-primary among delegates before the convention – either concluding at the virtual roll call that is already planned or at the in-person convention.


Candidates would put their hats in the ring by earning a minimum number of endorsements from Democratic governors and members of Congress. There then would be a “blitz campaign” of polls, innovative events and regional debates. Polling would be wise to incorporate ranked-choice voting, which better identifies the consensus choice than limiting voters to a single pick. Harris won such a ranked-choice poll in 2020, shortly before Biden picked her as his running mate, where she led with 33 percent of first choices against six other potential picks and then increased her margin to win the final head-to-head “instant runoff” by 55 percent to 45 percent.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

Any binding vote of delegates — whether virtual or in-person — needs modernizing, as traditional rules for convention voting pose risks. Delegates used to vote repeatedly until a candidate surpassed 50 percent, which in 1924required 103 rounds of voting. House Republicans’ public relations debacle in electing a speaker with this open-ended process underscores how it can be optically problematic and subject to unsavory backroom deals, which could alienate swing voters and increase grievances among losing candidates.

Ranked-choice voting again offers a smart solution. It was used effectively infour Democratic Party-run presidential primaries in 2020, is currently used by many state parties for internal elections and was used by Maine legislators to pick their secretary of state. It’s ideal for promoting unity while upholding majority rules. To win, candidates must balance earning first choices with broad support — exactly the formula needed to win at past brokered conventions.

A binding nomination might start with an initial traditional vote of the elected delegates. If no candidate earns a majority vote, Democratic rules bring into the next voting round the party’s superdelegates, including members of Congress. If the second round again does not deliver a nominee, delegates would turn to ranked-choice voting. It would be simple to offer delegates a secure ballot to rank candidates. The tallies could be released round by round, with the eliminated candidates praised for what they brought to the process before reporting the next results. The process would be transparent, uplifting and unifying.

In future presidential election cycles, parties would be wise to use ranked-choice voting in polls and the actual primaries. They could hold in-person gatherings like theAmerica in One Room experiment in 2019 to enable the greater deliberation and learning about candidates that the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary once offered. Given that brokered conventions are an accident waiting to happen, they should update their rules to benefit from ranked-choice voting.

Members of Congress also should build ranked-choice voting into their internal elections, using it after two voting rounds identify strong candidates but do not produce a majority winner. That would make sense for electing their party leaders and the speaker of the House.

Out of crisis comes opportunity. If forced to pick a new nominee, Democrats have real options for doing it well. Looking to 2028 and beyond, parties can adapt lessons from this planning to elevate the candidate best able to lead their party and the nation.

Read More

Donald Trump being interviewed on stage

Donald Trump participated in an interivew Bloomberg editor-in-chief John Micklethwait at the Economic Club of Chicago on Oct 16.

Amalia Huot-Marchand

Trump sticks to America First policies in deeply Democratic Chicago

Huot-Marchand is a graduate student at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism.

“I do not comment on those things. But let me tell you, if I did, it would be a really smart thing to do,” boasted Donald Trump, when Bloomberg editor-in-chief John Micklethwait asked whether the former president had private phone calls with Vladimir Putin.

Welcomed with high applause and lots of laughs from the members and guests of the Economic Club of Chicago on Oct. 16, Trump bragged about his great relationships with U.S. adversaries and authoritarian leaders Putin, Xi Jinping and Kim Jung Un.

Keep ReadingShow less
Justin Levitt
Marvin Joseph/The Washington Post via Getty Images

Election lawyer Justin Levitt on why 2024 litigation is mostly hot air

Rosenfeld is the editor and chief correspondent of Voting Booth, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Justin Levitt has been on the frontlines in some of American democracy’s biggest legal battles for two decades. Now a law professor at Los Angeles’ Loyola Marymount University, he has worked as a voting rights attorney and top Justice Department civil rights attorney, and he has advised both major parties.

In this Q&A, he describes why 2024’s partisan election litigation is likely to have limited impacts on voters and counting ballots. But that won’t stop partisan propagandists and fundraising from preying on voters.

Keep ReadingShow less
Stop the Steal rally in Washington, DC

"If that level of voter fraud is set to happen again, isn’t voting just a waste of time?" asks Clancy.

Robert Nickelsberg/Getty Images

If you think the 2020 election was stolen, why vote in 2024?

Clancy is co-founder of Citizen Connect and a board member of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund. Citizen Connect is an initiative of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund, which also operates The Fulcrum.

I’m not here to debate whether the 2020 presidential election involved massive voter fraud that made Joe Biden’s victory possible. There has been extensive research, analysis and court cases related to that topic and nothing I say now will change your mind one way or the other. Nothing will change the fact that tens of millions of Americans believe Biden was not legitimately elected president.

So let’s assume for the sake of argument that there actually was game-changing election fraud that unjustly put Biden in the White House. If that was the case, what are the odds that Donald Trump would be “allowed” to win this time? If that level of voter fraud is set to happen again, isn’t voting just a waste of time?

Keep ReadingShow less
People lined up to get food

People line up at a food distribution event in Hartford, Conn., hosted by the Hispanic Families at Catholic Charities, GOYA food, and CICD Puerto Rican Day Parade

Belén Dumont

Not all Hartford Latinos will vote but they agree on food assistance

Dumont is a freelance journalist based in Connecticut.

The Fulcrum presents We the People, a series elevating the voices and visibility of the persons most affected by the decisions of elected officials. In this installment, we explore the motivations of over 36 million eligible Latino voters as they prepare to make their voices heard in November.

Keep ReadingShow less