My crisis advocacy partner and I had to carry a 130-pound, 40-year-old woman up three flights of stairs. Her wheelchair was stolen after a hospital released her to the street, and the elevator at her housing unit was broken.
She had been cycling through recovering from sexual violence, psychiatric holds, and had been hit by a car. She had a metal frame through the bone in her ankle, and amputation was ordered.
As members of a community non-profit assisting survivors of violence and houselessness, we couldn't get her stabilized long enough to meet her medical needs, in large part from a series of patient dumping by hospitals. Patient dumping is the practice of releasing unhoused or poor people to the streets, without coordinating care to ensure patients have a safe landing to heal, like a skilled nursing facility or interim housing. Patient dumping is rampant.
Because she had a history of mental illness that increased her vulnerability, her patient dumping led to her being taken hostage, chained to a bed, and sexually assaulted by predatory men in Los Angeles. We were able to get her permanent housing, and a good portion of our work was finding her in the street after being dumped by a hospital, to return her to housing.
Residents in her building shared a kitchen space, with separate bedrooms adjoining each other in communal pods. She was repeatedly sexually assaulted in her own bedroom, as the men in the pod had easy access to the women’s rooms.
The night we carried her up the stairs, one of the men was aggressive towards my partner and I. We ran, still carrying her, and locked her bedroom door behind us. We couldn’t leave as he was right outside in the kitchen, taunting us with threats. We called our team for help.
Our lead community ambassador responded and de-escalated the situation, and offered us safe passage. Shortly after, we were successful in moving this woman to safer housing. Structural violence against her continues to this day, such as a mental health government agency recently dropping her case without referral.
The nuances in cases about poor people being driven to the street by hospitals, prisons, and their own family members are not widely understood by the public. In the case of people who push the narrative of poverty as a public nuisance and moral failing, the reasons that drive houselessness are not a top priority for many.
More sinister is the recent prevalence of politicians and pundits demanding to round up and disappear or kill poor and homeless people. FOX News anchor Brian Kilmeade’s “just kill ‘em” statement on national television said as much.
The Holocaust also included a purge of poor, homeless, and disabled people, and a preceding dehumanization through propaganda.
In the early 2000s in this country, an intervention emerged in response to violence in poor communities, named violence interruption, utilizing community ambassadors who are already trusted by their peers.
This response takes a public health, community-based response, based on the theory of violence as social contagion. It is noteworthy that the administration targets Black-led cities like Chicago and Memphis for U.S. National Guard actions.
Groups like Ceasefire on Chicago streets are among those who pioneered, or more accurately formalized, the intervention of violence interruption. Lesser-known groups, like the Young Women Empowerment Project, expanded on non-carceral frameworks that are rooted in mutual aid and transformative justice solutions.
While violence interruption is vital on a street level, this is not enough to address the social determinants of violence that are centered in systemic oppression, state, and structural violence.
A community ambassador de-escalates conflict, provides mediation, and functions as an alternative to carceral approaches. Much of this intervention is focused on mitigating gang violence and gun violence.
Often, action is in part through rumor control, safe passage for vulnerable folks like school children and elders, and opportunities for economic mobility that address unmet needs that contribute to violence.
Yes, this approach is important, but so is changing the culturally limited perception of violence, its source, and the conditions that cause it to spread. Concentrating on violence only in terms of social determinants in poor communities puts the focus on a point of interruption. This completely ignores the larger structural issues that contribute to cycles of inter-generational trauma, poor health outcomes, and a lack of safety.
Structural violence in healthcare and social support that I have witnessed with social workers is choosing not to communicate with a care team, patient advocate, or family member to coordinate patient discharge, resulting in patient dumping.
Medical providers can deny pain medication to injured drug users, threaten patients with police involvement, or deny ADA accommodation access to advocates who accompany disabled patients in the hospital.
At a time of extreme political, social, and structural violence, it is necessary to apply the same methods of violence interruption that advocates use in the streets to mitigate violence baked into the very structures of systems.
This could look like offering structural violence interruption as an unofficial community ambassador working as a doctor or a nurse in a hospital, or as a paramedic who works to improve outcomes in patient care, decreasing stigma towards unhoused people.
October marks the implementation of the cancellation of Medicaid dollars to pay for more surveillance, secret police, and immigration raid mercenaries. This appears eerily similar to efforts in the 1940s when the CIA created a guide to sabotage and slow down organizations.
We know suggesting weaponized incompetence to slow the work of systems could affirm toxic ideas of certain populations as lazy, such as disabled people. This could look like working within the tainted systems to slow down aggressive attacks targeting marginalized populations by intentionally hampering operations.
For instance, this could mean internally stopping ICE from entering a hospital, clinic, or workplace, or not cooperating with management on efforts to displace vulnerable persons. Non-cooperation with violent structures is effective resistance. This bravery may inspire others.
It is urgent now to work to erase all forms of violence against communities of color and poor people in this country, from structural to medical, community, and individual. That is worth everyone’s time in order to save as many humans as possible.
Soma Snakeoil is Executive Director/Cofounder of The Sidewalk Project, which specializes in resources for street-based sex workers and survivors. She is a Public Voices Fellow of The OpEd Project.



















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.