Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

The Comey Indictment Isn’t About Justice—It’s About Power

Opinion

The Comey Indictment Isn’t About Justice—It’s About Power

James Comey, former FBI Director, speaks at the Barnes & Noble Upper West Side on May 19, 2025 in New York City.

(Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

In a dramatic escalation of political tensions within the U.S. Justice Department, former FBI Director James B. Comey was indicted on charges of making false statements and obstruction of justice. The indictment stems from Comey's 2020 congressional testimony regarding the FBI’s handling of the Trump-Russia investigation and marks a controversial debut for newly appointed U.S. Attorney Lindsay Halligan.

The headlines focused on the charges. But the real story lies in who signed the indictment—and why.


Halligan, 36, has no prior prosecutorial experience and previously served as a White House aide tasked with removing “improper ideology” from Smithsonian museums. She met Trump in 2021 and joined his legal team in early 2022, representing him in high-profile cases, including the search of Mar-a-Lago and a defamation suit against CNN.

“Sports and pageants taught me confidence, discipline, and how to handle pressure — on the court, on the field, on the stage, in the courtroom, and now in the White House,” Halligan told The Washington Post earlier this year.

Halligan authorized the charges just days after taking office. She’s leading a federal case against one of Trump’s most vocal critics.

This isn’t just unusual. It’s unprecedented.

Career prosecutors reportedly advised against the indictment, citing insufficient evidence and lack of probable cause. ABC News obtained a memo from Halligan’s office that warned the case was unlikely to result in a conviction. Yet the charges were filed anyway—under pressure, some say, from the highest office in the land.

Trump has long called Comey a “dirty cop” and “leaker,” and recently urged Attorney General Pam Bondi to “act fast.” Halligan’s appointment and swift indictment suggest that the message was received loud and clear.

Gene Rossi, a former federal prosecutor in the same district, didn’t mince words: “This case is so weak, no prosecutor… would sign it. But Lindsay Halligan would, because… she will do whatever Mr. Trump wants. And that is wrong.”

Rossi added that Comey “could not have gotten a better judge” than Biden appointee Michael Nachmanoff, describing him as “honest, fair, balanced, and the worst nightmare for those prosecutors pushing this indictment”.This isn’t about whether Comey told the truth. It’s about whether the justice system is being weaponized to punish dissent.

Halligan’s rise—from Trump’s legal team to federal prosecutor—raises serious questions about the erosion of institutional norms. Her appointment bypassed Senate confirmation. Her indictment defied internal legal advice. And her public statements suggest loyalty to Trump, not the Constitution.

While distancing himself from the indictment publicly, Trump praised Halligan as “very smart, good lawyer, very good lawyer” and said, “They’re going to make a determination. I’m not making that determination”.

In a democracy, prosecutors are supposed to follow the law, not the president’s social media feed.

The case now heads to a federal grand jury, which will decide whether to proceed with a trial. Legal analysts warn that the indictment could face significant hurdles, including judicial scrutiny and challenges to its evidentiary basis.

Comey has maintained his innocence and has not yet commented publicly on the indictment.

The Comey indictment may not hold up in court. But its symbolism is chilling. It signals a shift from independent justice to political retribution. And it forces us to ask: If this can happen to a former FBI director, who’s next?

We need to pay attention—not just to the charges, but to the machinery behind them. Because justice isn’t just about who gets indicted, it’s about who gets to decide.

Hugo Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.


Read More

​U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth

U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth testifies during a Senate Committee on Appropriations hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on July 21, 2026. Hegseth is crafting a strong and masculine identity for his audience as he reportedly contemplates a presidential run.

(Alex Wroblewski/AFP/Getty Images/TNS)

Politicians Can’t Just ’Give the People What They Want’

For reasons that will baffle my many detractors, I am often asked for advice about being an opinion journalist. One of my standard responses is: You have to be willing to disappoint your biggest fans.

What I mean is that if you start to see your job as telling fans what they want to hear, you risk becoming an entertainer rather than a thinker, and eventually you become a caricature. I’ve seen it happen numerous times. Patrick Buchanan was a brilliant columnist and a serious person. But over the course of his career, he listened too much to the people who said, “Go Pat, go!” and too little to friends who said, “I think that’s taking it too far.”

Keep ReadingShow less
White marble exterior of the United States Capitol, often called the Capitol Building, is the home of the United States Congress and the seat of the legislative branch of the U.S. federal government

Congress approval is at a record-low 10%. Moderation and consensus-building, not partisan theatrics, are how Washington gets problems solved.

Richard Sharrocks / Getty Images

Reclaiming the Politics of the Possible

Washington is stuck in a cycle of performative conflict. The incentives seem to reward outrage, not outcomes that last; purity tests, not problem‑solving. So it’s no surprise that after three shutdowns in less than a year, public approval of Congress collapsed to just 10 percent this spring. (Gallup, April 2026.) But the country we live in — where many middle-income families report persistent financial strain and businesses are navigating unprecedented technological upheaval — cannot be governed by theatrics. Breaking this cycle requires moderation, consensus‑building, and a cooperative approach to governance.

This is not a call for centrism as an ideology. Instead, this is a call for transformative leaders to embrace moderation as their governing strategy, recognizing that in a pluralistic country of nearly 350 million people durable solutions require broad and stable alliances. Ultimately, this is a call for the 240 million of us who are eligible to vote in November to elect consensus-builders instead of bomb-throwers, and healers instead of arsonists.

Keep ReadingShow less
Adult man holds a microphone while asking a question during a town hall meeting.

Congress ignored 90% of public support for background checks. Learn how citizen assemblies and sortition helped Ireland break gridlock and could work in the US.

SDI Productions/Getty Images

Consensus Without Power: How Sortition Could Break America's Legislative Gridlock

In April 2013, four months after the Sandy Hook Elementary shooting killed twenty children, the US Senate voted on the Manchin-Toomey Act to expand background checks and to include gun-show and internet sales of firearms. Roughly nine in ten Americans, including a majority of gun owners, supported the bill—a figure that has held steady across more than a decade of polling. It fell short of the 60-vote threshold by six votes. This was not an outlier. On complex issues, representatives often fail to translate public consensus into reality. Research shows that legislators consistently vote in line with donor and interest group preferences over constituent opinion. Before the vote, the National Rifle Association (NRA) warned every senator it would “rate” their vote on its annual rating system, and a low NRA rating could cost senators their next primary. Consequently, the bill died 54-46, and the majority of Americans watched, powerless, as their consensus was overridden by self-interested representatives.

Liberal democracies need a method to bypass electoral incentives that run counter to public opinion. One already exists: Ireland faced the same stalemate on complex issues before it instituted a process called sortition. The beauty of sortition lies in its removal of the primary pressure that misaligns representatives’ interests from public interest: reelection. Much like jury duty, citizens are randomly drawn from the population. An independent body then stratifies the pool, so the final group mirrors the country by age, gender, geography, and income. The group meets over weeks or months, hearing from experts and the public, as well as debating frequently. At the end, it issues a recommendation that parliament may then put to a referendum or pass into law.

Keep ReadingShow less
California’s New Law Aims To Close a Housing Gap for Domestic Violence Survivors
Emily Scherer for The 19th; Getty Images

California’s New Law Aims To Close a Housing Gap for Domestic Violence Survivors

Domestic violence survivors often struggle to find housing, and California’s “Unseen and Unheard Housing Act” will help make more housing available to meet their specific needs.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill Sunday requiring cities and counties to factor in domestic violence survivors when planning for future housing.

Keep ReadingShow less