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Supreme Court Weighs Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Order Amid Constitutional Debate

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Supreme Court Weighs Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Order Amid Constitutional Debate

Members of CASA advocacy group gather outside of the Supreme Court in Washington, D.C. toask justices to protect birthright citizenship on May 15, 2025.

Angeles Ponpa/Medill NewsService

WASHINGTON- The Supreme Court on Thursday heard oral arguments over a Trump administration order that would deny automatic U.S. citizenship to children born on American soil to undocumented immigrant parents and others in the country temporarily. The order challenged more than a Century of legal precedent.

The case centers on Executive Order 14160, signed in January by President Donald Trump, which asserts that the 14th Amendment's Citizenship Clause does not apply to children born to noncitizens without permanent legal status. Lower courts swiftly blocked the policy, prompting a high-stakes showdown over both the scope of the amendment and the president's power to unilaterally reinterpret it.


Solicitor General D. John Sauer, defending the administration, argued that the 14th Amendment was intended to grant citizenship specifically to formerly enslaved people, not to “illegal aliens or people here temporarily.”

“We have our lower courts making snap judgments,” Sauer said, criticizing nationwide injunctions as judicial overreach.

Justices across the ideological spectrum appeared skeptical of the administration’s argument.

“Congress decides birthright citizenship, not the executive branch,” said Justice Sonia Sotomayor flatly.

Justice Brett Kavanaugh suggested that the administration’s order would create a chaotic situation for hospitals.

“How’s it going to work? What do hospitals do with a newborn? What do states do with newborns?” he said.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson expressed concern that Trump’s ban would force many families to pay for lawyers and file lawsuits to prove their children are legitimate citizens.

“Your case is turning the court system into a ‘catch me if you can’ regime where everyone has to get a lawyer and file a lawsuit,” said Jackson.

Justice Elena Kagan raised practical concerns about fairness, suggesting that only individuals with the resources to sue would be able to protect their rights. “The ones who can’t afford to go to court, they’re the ones who are going to lose,” she said.

- YouTubeyoutu.be

Outside the courthouse, protesters gathered with signs defending the right to citizenship. Among them was Maya, an undocumented immigrant from Mexico City who came to the United States to follow her husband in pursuit of a better economic life. She asked that her last name not be published because she feared deportation.

“Our intention isn’t to come to this country and have kids, maybe that comes after,” she said in Spanish. “Those of us who migrate, we come with the intention of a better life. Citizenship for kids of undocumented parents is a right, It shouldn’t matter what political opinions people have.”

Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Campbell, who led a coalition of states challenging the order, warned that the executive action threatened to erode fundamental constitutional protections.

“If they can dismantle this amendment with a Sharpie and a stroke of a pen and give the president significant authority,” Campbell told the crowd, “It moves toward being a king versus a democratic president. They can come for the First Amendment, they can come for the Second.”

The case also raised questions about the legality of sweeping injunctions issued by federal judges to halt presidential policies nationwide. Some conservative justices indicated openness to curbing that power, even if they disagreed with the administration's reading of the Constitution.

Thursday’s arguments marked one of the most consequential immigration hearings at the high court in years, with implications that could go far beyond citizenship policy. A ruling in favor of the administration could significantly expand executive authority in defining constitutional rights.

A decision was expected by the end of June.

Angeles Ponpa is a graduate student at Northwestern Medill in the Politics, Policy, and Foreign Affairs specialization. Ponpa specializes in covering immigration and does bilingual reporting in both English and Spanish.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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