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Labels Stick: Treat All Fairly in Justice System and Beyond

Labels Stick: Treat All Fairly in Justice System and Beyond
Jan. 6, 2021: Brought to you by conflict profiteers
Brent Stirton/Getty Images

The recent four-year anniversary of the attack on the Capitol also called the insurrection, has many referring to it as an attack on democracy, an overturning of the Constitution, or a scheme by President-elect Donald Trump to take the White House. However, it’s not spoken of as a terrorist attack.

Trump has also pronounced that after his inauguration on January 20, he will begin pardons of every person sentenced due to their actions that day on January 6, 2021.


I recently read a social media meme stating: “Black Crime = Gang Violence,” “Arab Crime=Terrorism,” and “Hispanic Crime=Illegal Immigrants,” but “White Crime=Self Defense.” Apparently, this applies to those involved in the Capitol attack.

Although it was numerous different groups involved in the January 6th attack, including the Proud Boys, SkinHeads, Baked Alaska, The Nationalist Social Club, Qanon and Kekistan Flag, however, they were never referred to as a gang.

Even though they conspired to carry out criminal acts that led to people dying and being the victims of aggravated assault, none of the group leaders got sentenced to life in prison.

According to the Department of Justice, 1,572 people were charged with crimes that day, and 1,251 were convicted, including 996 who pleaded guilty. Of those receiving sentences, 645 were sentenced to various periods of incarceration, with 145 sentenced to home detention. Close to 260 people still have cases yet to be reviewed.

None were charged under the “Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act,” or RICO, “which allows authorities to punish offenders engaging in criminal activities” under directions from bosses or higher-ups.

There are individuals in U.S. prisons now who have served more than 50 years, some serving six life sentences for crimes that many would weigh lesser than what so many of us witnessed on January 6 four years ago.

As a veteran, I felt anger to see what U.S. soldiers fought for get desecrated. I felt so vulnerable as a Black man that day because if those involved in the violence that day do this to the institution that is the United States of America, they likely disregard the U.S. Constitution.

Many saw on live television a group of people telling the world they don’t care that others think they are white supremacists. They were out to show the world how supreme they were.

The recent New Year’s Day tragedy in New Orleans, orchestrated by a Black U.S. veteran and self-proclaimed member of ISIS, killed 14 and injured 13 more. The FBI calls it a terrorist event of someone acting alone with pre-meditations.

Although it was many groups involved in the January 6 attack on the United States Capitol who communicated with one another or conspired and committed a criminal act when people died, it has yet to be called gang-related. Nor has anyone faced RICO charges. And no one involved with January 6 has been called a terrorist.

How persons charged with crimes are labeled and treated in the justice system matters. Fair sentencing and deserved clemency matter. Pardons must go to those who deserve it.

Fredrick Womack oversees administrative and organizational operations as Executive Servant for Operation Good Foundation in Jackson, MS. He is a Public Voices Fellow on Transformative Justice through The OpEd Project.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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