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Double Standard: Investing in Animal Redemption While Ignoring Human Rehabilitation

Opinion

Hands outside of bars.
Getty Images, stevanovicigor

America and countries abroad have mastered the art of taming wild animals—training the most vicious killers, honing killer instincts, and even domesticating animals born for the hunt. Wild animals in this country receive extensive resources to facilitate their reintegration into society.

Americans spent more than $ 150 billion on their pets in 2024, with an estimated spending projection of $200 million by 2030. Millions of dollars are poured into shelters, rehabilitation programs, and veterinary care, as shown by industry statistics on animal welfare spending. Television ads and commercials plead for their adoption. Stray animal hotlines operate 24/7, ensuring immediate rescue services. Pet parks, relief stations in airports, and pageant shows showcase animals as celebrities.


Yet, when it comes to human beings trapped in the cages of the prison system—many of whom have spent decades behind bars with little to no education, job training, or rehabilitation—society’s response is vastly different.

Probation, parole, clemency, and commutation remain elusive for countless incarcerated individuals. The Department of Justice is seeking the death penalty for Luigi Mangione and “wherever possible,” signaling the persistence of extreme punishment over rehabilitation.

A new study from the MacArthur Foundation shows that the U.S. incarcerates more people than any other nation on earth; about 1.9 million people are behind bars in America today. That includes over 1 million in state prisons, more than 600,000 in local jails, and tens of thousands more in federal prisons, youth facilities, and immigration detention centers. Incarceration disproportionately affects communities of color, with Black Americans incarcerated at five times the rate of white Americans.

The U.S. leads the world not only in incarceration but in punishment. According to the World Population Review, recidivism rates remain troublingly high in many states. For example, Mississippi’s three-year recidivism rate is at 36.8% while its five-year recidivism rate is twice as much at 77%. Delaware has a recidivism rate of over 64%, while other states like Alaska and California hover around 60%. This points to a system that punishes but fails to prepare individuals for successful reentry.

Canine units have specialized vehicles, dedicated badges, and even media appearances to highlight their achievements. Pets are given names to match their personalities and receive treats made with the finest ingredients to encourage good behavior.

Yet, within the confines of prison walls, there are no treats—only threats of write-ups and solitary confinement. Instead of incentivizing positive behavior, the system remains punitive, ensuring that many incarcerated individuals are released into society more damaged than when they entered.

Even when animals turn on their trainers—sometimes attacking or even killing them—this has not deterred the deep investment in their rehabilitation. In Connecticut, a pet chimpanzee nearly killed a woman despite years of training. In Montana, a K-9 attacked a resident. In Russia, a circus bear mauled its trainer mid-performance.

Despite these tragedies, society continues to pour resources into animal care, rehabilitation, and reintegration, believing in their capacity to change and be forgiven.

Meanwhile, when a person makes a mistake—often in circumstances shaped by systemic injustices—society is quick to label them irredeemable. Many who have served decades—often under outdated sentencing laws—remain locked away with no hope of release. The recent uprising in California prisons, triggered by unsafe conditions and overcrowding, serves as a stark reminder of a system at its breaking point.

According to the Brennan Center, imprisonment has devastating long-term impacts on individuals, including an average loss of $484,400 in lifetime earnings. Incarceration affects job prospects, housing, education access, and mental health. The idea that prison rehabilitates is often contradicted by the conditions inside and the barriers upon release.

The hypocrisy is glaring. In Mississippi, a prison-based animal rescue program allows incarcerated individuals to rehabilitate, heal, and care for stray animals. Many participants form deep attachments to these animals, learning responsibility, patience, and even a sense of redemption. For some, it is their first experience with nurturing another living being.

Yet, the very system that recognizes the rehabilitative power of this program weaponizes it. Prison staff have been known to strip these animals away as punishment for minor infractions, reinforcing the message that incarcerated individuals are unworthy of attachment, joy, or trust.

Punishment in this country has lost all sense of proportion. If it is possible to invest in the healing and rehabilitation of animals—building infrastructures designed to support their successful reintegration into homes and communities—then surely, it is possible to do the same for human beings.

Meanwhile, calls for criminal justice reform are growing across the country, yet in many places, reforms are stalling or even reversing. States including New York and Louisiana are tightening bail laws, expanding police budgets, and enacting policies that disproportionately harm poor communities and people of color.

It is time to change the country’s priorities. It is time to stop throwing people away. And it is time to acknowledge that rehabilitation should not be a privilege afforded only to animals while humans remain caged without hope.

Pauline Rogers is a longtime advocate for criminal justice reform and the founder of the RECH Foundation, an organization dedicated to supporting formerly incarcerated individuals as they reintegrate into society. She is a Transformative Justice Fellow through The OpEd Project Public Voices Fellowship.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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