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It’s time to defend the guardrails of democracy

Opinion

It’s time to defend the guardrails of democracy

A gavel.

Getty Images, Alexander Sikov

Lawyers know that President Trump’s executive orders targeting individual law firms, and now, the entire legal profession, are illegal and unconstitutional. The situation puts a choice to every lawyer and every law firm. Do you fight – speak out and act out against this lawless behavior? Or do you accommodate it, keep your head down, and wait for the storm to pass?

The answer is to fight. Here’s why – and here’s what lawyers should do.


Our system of government is rooted in the principle that government power is constrained by guardrails. Whether legal, constitutional, or simply norms of behavior, these guardrails are so clear that few Americans disagree with them: government power is constrained by the courts; free speech is sacred; Congress gets to decide how money is spent; law enforcement decisions are made through a rigorous process, not political whim; government officials must tell the truth and follow the law.

These guardrails are not self-enforcing. All citizens have a role to play in enforcing these principles but lawyers have a special duty. For the privilege of entering this profession, lawyers swear an oath to protect the Constitution. And that means when the government is crashing through these guardrails, lawyers have an obligation to act – and to take sides.

Paul, Weiss is an example of a firm that has failed to live up to this standard. After being hit with an illegal and unconstitutional executive order, trying to put the firm out of business, the firm decided that instead of fighting, it would cut a deal requiring it to provide $40 million in free legal representation to causes identified by President Trump and to make other major changes in its operations. The leadership of Paul, Weiss decided that its highest duty was to stay in business.

Other firms and attorneys are in the fight. For example, Williams & Connolly is representing Perkins Coie, as it deals with another illegal and unconstitutional executive order targeting it. This is an act of principle and courage, as Williams & Connolly will likely face a fate similar to their client’s. Or look to the example of the young associate from Skadden who had everything to lose but decided her principles mattered more than her job.

Far too many law schools and their leaders seem to be trying to avoid confrontation. But these institutions, which teach the Constitution, the rule of law, legal ethics, and lawyers’ duty to preserve and protect a system of law focused on justice and fairness, don’t get to sit silently when those very principles are under attack. They have an obligation to set an example. It is past time for these leaders to speak out against this behavior, to call out their alumni who are acting this way, and to even revoke their degrees.

Individual lawyers and ordinary citizens also must act. If you’re an attorney at a firm that won’t live up to these sacred principles, there are other firms that will hire you. If you’re a company with business with a firm that isn’t living up to these standards, consider moving your business to one that does. And if you’re an alumni of a law school that has stood on the sidelines, demand action, and stop donating.

Above all, the message must be clear. The government cannot break the law and it cannot violate the Constitution. As lawyers, we swear an oath to represent our clients with zeal. The Constitution and the rule of law deserve the same representation. In the end, if lawyers won’t speak out now, when their profession is under an illegal and unconstitutional attack, when will they? If lawyers won’t fight for themselves, who will? And if lawyers cave in, who will be left to fight for the rest of us?


Evan Falchuk is the chair of the executive committee of Lawyers Defending American Democracy.

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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
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  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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