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The Trump Administration’s Current Approach Discards the Rule of Law

Opinion

The Trump Administration’s Current Approach Discards the Rule of Law

A gavel and book.

Getty Images, May Lim / 500px

President Donald Trump signed over 70 Executive Orders during the first thirty days of his second term, the most in a President’s first 100 days in 40 years. Many of the Executive Orders were sweeping in their scope and intentionally designed to fundamentally reshape the federal government and shatter the existing world order. Critics immediately claimed that many of the Executive Orders exceeded the President’s constitutional authority or contravened existing federal law.

At the same time, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—without Congressional authorization—has swept into multiple agencies, frozen Congressionally authorized appropriations, and terminated thousands of federal employees, many of whom are protected by civil service laws and collective bargaining agreements.


As a consequence, over 100 lawsuits have been filed against the Trump administration as of March 1, 2025. New court rulings and injunctions are issued almost every day. Dozens of the President’s initiatives have been enjoined, permanently or temporarily, and more are almost certain to follow. Many federal agencies and employees are frozen in a state of confusion, chaos, or crisis. It may be months or even years before the country fully comprehends the consequences of these actions.

But one fact is immediately clear: the legal crisis created by the new administration was completely unnecessary.

Almost all of the President’s goals and objectives could be achieved by constitutional, lawful means. Examples include the following:

· Birthright Citizenship – the President cannot amend the U.S. Constitution by Executive Order. He could, however, propose a constitutional amendment and ask Congress to pass it and send the issue to the states for ratification.

· Abolishing Federal Agencies – while the President cannot unilaterally abolish departments, agencies, and bureaus established by Congress, he can submit legislation to Congress that would repeal the entity’s enabling legislation.

· Impoundment – the Impoundment Control Act of 1974 restricts the authority of the President to impound Congressional appropriations and provides a process for Congress to review Executive Branch withholdings of Congressional appropriations. The President could comply with this Act or, alternatively, ask Congress to amend the appropriation in question. The President could also ask Congress to repeal the Impoundment Control Act, as prior Presidents have done.

· Termination of Employment – the abrupt termination of thousands of federal employees violates numerous civil service laws, rules, and regulations. The principal purpose of the civil service system, starting with the Pendleton Act in 1883, was to eliminate the spoils system that resulted in the termination of thousands of federal employees with every new Administration. The President is not powerless to terminate classified employees. He must, however, comply with the statutory and regulatory processes established to preserve and protect the merit system. Many of the recent terminations are also likely to breach numerous collective bargaining agreements.

· Inspectors General – The President fired 17 Inspectors General within days of his Inauguration without providing 30-days notice to Congress, as required by the Inspectors General Act of 1978. The communication must include substantive rationale, including case-specific reasons for the termination. Again, the President is not without authority to remove Inspectors General, he simply must comply with the law.

Adherence to the rule of law is essential for the long-term success of any democracy. The separation of powers and checks and balances, which pervade our system of government, must be honored and effectuated to prevent an abuse or concentration of power and protect individual rights. Pursuing his agenda in a manner that is consistent with the rule of law will, to be sure, take more time and will require the President to persuade Congress and the American people of the wisdom of his cause. But that is precisely the purpose and strength of an effective democracy.

Tragically, for our country, the President has intentionally chosen to pursue his agenda in a manner that is unconstitutional or unlawful. The risk to our democracy is compounded by Congressional complicity and inaction. Many commentators and observers have noted the future of our democracy is once again dependent on the integrity and wisdom of the judiciary.

There is, however, another path forward: the President could choose to follow the law.

R. Kelly Sheridan is a member of the board of Lawyers Defending American Democracy. He previously served as President of the Rhode Island Bar Association.

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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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