On May 15, Florida became the second state in the nation to ban fluoride from public drinking water. The bill, signed by Governor Ron DeSantis, is set to go into effect on July 1. Utah’s Governor Spencer Cox enacted a similar ban that went into effect this May. Five other states—Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Nebraska, and South Carolina—have introduced bills that aim to ban fluoride in public drinking water.
Fluoride is a mineral that, in small quantities, has proven to be effective against tooth decay, caused by bacteria that form in the mouth when we eat or drink. The American Academy of Pediatrics states on its website that studies have shown water fluoridation, an intentional treatment process of public drinking water, reduces tooth decay by about 25% in children and adults alike.
As someone who has spent a good chunk of their childhood years in a dentist’s chair, mouth wide open and nerves on edge while waiting for the screeching sound of the drill to pound my head, I can assure you that no child enjoys putting themselves through that kind of torture. So, before rushing to ban a measure that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has cited as one of the 10 great public health interventions of the 20 th century, why not review the evidence and commission new and impartial studies?
The latest legislative initiatives have been prompted by overt skepticism about fluoride in public drinking water expressed by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. On January 20, the day prior to President Trump’s inauguration, in a post on X, Kennedy called fluoride an “industrial waste” and linked it to arthritis, bone cancer, IQ loss, neurodevelopmental disorders, and thyroid disease. He vowed to remove it from public water once Trump got into office, something he is actively pursuing right now.
A review study by the National Institutes of Health, published in early January 2025, linked fluoride exposure to lower IQ in children. The study fueled existing skepticism and gave further ammunition to those who seek to roll back a public health measure that has promoted the oral health of three-quarters of Americans for decades.
Here is the caveat: the data in that specific review study was drawn from countries outside of the United States—Canada, China, Denmark, Mexico, Pakistan, and Taiwan—that have, in some areas, naturally occurring high concentrations of fluoride in their groundwater. This means higher than 1.5 mg of fluoride per liter of drinking water.
Furthermore, many of the research studies reviewed were classified as “having a high-risk bias,” which in plain language means they cannot be fully trusted because several factors may have influenced the findings in a way that makes them less reliable. This does not disqualify the review study, per se, but it warrants caution against taking conclusive policy actions.
For the record, the U.S. Public Health Service currently recommends 0.7 mg of fluoride per liter of drinking water. An evaluation of the study by the National Toxicology Program says that it did not contain enough data to determine if the low fluoride level recommended by the federal government in community water supplies has a negative effect on children’s IQ.
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It is worth noting that not all public drinking water across the U.S. contains the same amount of fluoride. The mineral content of your tap water depends on several factors, including its source, the type of soil or rocks it passes through, environmental factors such as pollution from farming or industrial activity, and any treatment process it has undergone. In Flint, Michigan, for instance, the quality of the tap water was — and remains — compromised due to industrial contamination of the Flint River. Adding fluoride to tap water is one way to ingest this mineral. Dentists sometimes recommend fluoride toothpastes, mouthwashes, or fluoride tablets.
You can check the amount of fluoride in your tap water through this Centers for Disease Control and Prevention map, while it is available. Other sources of public information on fluoride in drinking water have been taken down from federal agency websites over the last few months.
This is unsurprising, perhaps, since the CDC’s Division of Oral Health was also eliminated in the scramble to restructure the federal government and, in Secretary Kennedy’s own words, Make America Healthy Again. But controlling what information people have at their disposal is about controlling the narrative.
Brett Kessler, the President of the American Dental Association, condemned this move and, without mincing his words, said, “Blunt actions like this do not make Americans healthy. They make us sick. The mouth is the gateway to the body. When the mouth is healthier, the body is too.”
The point of this: tooth decay and cavities cause pain and loss of productivity, whether it is school days or workdays. Nobody enjoys enduring a toothache or paying for expensive dentist bills. Many people cannot afford to go to the dentist, let alone get preventive oral care. In some parts of the country, especially rural areas, there is a shortage of dentists. Water fluoridation may be the first and only line of defense against cavities. It can reduce dental disparities, especially at a time when Medicaid is being slashed.
Instead of banning fluoride in tap water, it would be best to discourage the consumption of sugary foods and drinks, which are the primary cause of tooth decay, and invest in more high-quality and unbiased research on the efficacy of tap water fluoridation in preventing cavities and assessing its cost-effectiveness.
Beatrice Spadacini is a freelance journalist for the Fulcrum. Spadacini writes about social justice and public health.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.