Since taking office in January 2025, the Trump administration systematically has taken steps to implement Project 2025, the authoritarian playbook created by the Heritage Foundation to radically transform our system of government. Within the first six months, nearly half of Project 2025’s hundreds of policy proposals were implemented, with additional ones being put into place in the weeks that followed. These actions touch on virtually every aspect of public and private life, leaving many Americans across the country overwhelmed, confused, exhausted, and frightened.
As each news cycle presents a new issue that can capture our attention, the cumulative impact has eroded our democracy. Through changes big and small, the administration has rolled back laws, policies, and norms in place since the country’s founding, erasing national progress achieved during Reconstruction, the New Deal, the 1960s civil rights movement, and beyond. A vastly expanded executive, enabled by an extremist majority on the Supreme Court, has diminished the checks on power provided by other branches of government in previous times, leaving us with fewer rights, protections, and resources.
“Flooding the Zone”
The administration adopted what former White House strategist Steve Bannon termed a “flood the zone” strategy. As of early September, the president had issued more than 200 executive orders, many of which reflect unprecedented policies that flout established laws and norms. In response to those and other actions, over 300 lawsuits have been filed challenging administration actions, many of which have met at least preliminary success.
The government’s strategy appears designed to overwhelm the opposition and to immobilize those who might object to the administration’s plans. Yet the attacks go even further. They target long-time federal employees whose expertise for decades has helped the government function.
None of this should be a surprise. The hostility to government workers is striking and explicit. “We want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected," Russell Vought, one of Project 2025's authors and now head of the Office of Management and Budget, said last fall. “When they wake up in the morning, we want them not to want to go to work, because they are increasingly viewed as the villains. We want . . . to put them in trauma.”
Executive Actions Track Project 2025
Although the administration disavows any ties to Project 2025, its actions track the plan's directives. Vought, along with immigration czar Tom Homan, top trade adviser Peter Navarro, and Federal Communications Commission Chair Brendan Carr, is among the Project 2025 authors now holding key positions in the administration.
The plan’s proposals are not merely policy shifts of the kind that historically have marked mainstream debates. They reach much further. Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts deemed the initiative a “second American Revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be,” implicitly threatening violence if its goals are challenged.
Attacking Foundational Freedoms
As these changes take hold, the ways in which they undermine the system of checks and balances that has been the hallmark of American democracy are clear. They grant dramatically expanded power to the president, contrary to the founders' vision, who explicitly rejected the idea of a king. Some may wonder whether a strong president could address challenges and persistent inequalities better than our system of democracy. However, the administration’s policies and goals threaten the longstanding freedoms that many may take for granted.
For example, in a troubling expansion of executive authority, the government has detained and deported individuals without due process, meaning the ability to respond to the charges against them. This undermines core constitutional protections and raises serious concerns about the erosion of civil liberties. It has called for using the power of the legal system to punish people perceived as disagreeing with it. The administration has called for deploying the National Guard in several cities, raising concerns about the politicization of domestic security forces and the potential chilling effect on constitutionally protected protest. Additionally, it is politicizing civic institutions, from museums and cultural events to educational institutions to the media. Simultaneously, efforts to restrict voting access have intensified.
Taken together, these actions are making it more dangerous to express peaceful opposition. This was underscored by administration officials’ remarks promising to use “every resource” available to target organizations perceived to disagree with it.
Why This Matters: A referendum on Democracy and the Rule of Law
Taken together, these shifts mirror the strategies employed by autocratic leaders worldwide and the path of countries that have transitioned from democracy to forms of government that stifle dissent, limit civil rights, and restrict individual freedoms.
This moment raises the question of our collective commitment to the pillars of democracy and the rule of law, which, as detailed in the US citizenship test, requires that no one is above the law, whether an ordinary person, an elected or appointed leader, or the government itself. The checks and balances enshrined in the Constitution, including the Emoluments Clause, are designed to ensure that leaders don’t use their positions to advance their own wealth and power. Yet, defying that core democratic principle, estimates suggest that the president and his family have amassed over $3.4 billion from ventures undertaken in his first and second terms.
Foundational principles grounded in the Constitution guarantee free speech and the right to dissent, based on the idea that democracy is stronger when people can debate and discuss their differences. We should be alarmed by recent examples of government workers being fired for disagreeing with policy positions, or of public officials being placed under investigation after taking positions that are out of favor with the administration.
Each of us can take steps to support – and perfect – our democracy, whether through talking with friends, family, and neighbors, contacting elected representatives, or exercising our right to protest. The value of the right to speak freely, to celebrate dissent even when uncomfortable, to have a say in our government, to live free from surveillance and the threat of unwarranted punishment, demands no less.
Julie Goldscheid is a Professor of Law Emeritus at CUNY School of Law and an Adjunct Professor of Law at NYU School of Law. She teaches courses on gender violence and has taught courses including civil procedure, legislation, gender equality and lawyering. She is a volunteer with Lawyers Defending American Democracy.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.