The U.S. Census may be the most consequential data set in America. It determines how political representation is apportioned in Washington and how trillions of dollars in federal funding are allocated. But the data contained in the Census shouldn't always be taken at face value. In this installment of the FiveThirtyEight Politics podcast, Galen Druke speaks with historian Dan Bouk about his book, "Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and how to Read Them."
Site Navigation
Search
Latest Stories
Join a growing community committed to civic renewal.
Subscribe to The Fulcrum and be part of the conversation.
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More

Illustration of the American flag and Capitol building in Washington, DC
Getty Images on Unsplash.
Washington Finally United America: 89% Say Government Corruption Is Widespread
Sep 09, 2026
In a political system that incentivizes division and hyper-partisanship, there isn't much coming out of Washington that can unite voters. But there is one issue that is bringing nearly everyone together:
They think government corruption is everywhere.
A record-high 89% of Americans believe corruption is widespread throughout the US government, according to Gallup. This is a 10-point jump from just one year agoâthe largest single-year increase since 2006-2007.
And independent voters are even more pessimistic.
Gallup found 90% of independents believe corruption is present in every corner of government, up 12 points from 2024. That puts independents roughly in line with Democrats, at 91%, while 83% of Republicans say the same.
Think about that for a second.
It is getting harder and harder to identify 80-20 issues, much less 90-10, but clearly US voters look at what is happening at the federal level and nearly everyone agrees: something stinks.
Notably, Gallup is not making any determination of how much illegal or illicit conduct exists in government. It only records perception. However, perception matters when it comes to democratic legitimacy.
A political system cannot simply assume public confidence when overwhelming numbers of its citizens, both party members and independents, believe the system itself is compromised.
Especially, when the system does not incentivize those in power to change this perception. The number of Americans who believe corruption is widespread in government hasn't dipped below 70% at any point in modern history.
And yet, those in power have done nothing to clean up Washington. In the minds of voters, it is only getting dirtier.
Independent Voters Aren't Just Following the Partisan Tide
Independent voters are an important bloc to examine here because their perception is not influenced by who is in the White House or who has the majority in Congress.
Democratic attitudes toward corruption shifted dramatically after control of the White House changed. Just 57% of Democrats said government corruption was widespread during President Biden's final year in office.
That jumped to 76% during President Trump's first year back in office and now stands at 91%.
Republicans have been more consistent. About 8 in 10 currently see widespread corruption, even with Republicans controlling the White House and Congress.
But the skepticism among independents has persisted, regardless of which party is in power.
Their confidence in the legislative and executive branches, along with the government's ability to handle major problems, has fallen more than 20 points since the 1970s.
That type of decline matters when examining the growth of independent voters.
Gallup reported in January that a record 45% of US adults identified politically as independent in 2025, compared with just 27% each identifying as Republicans or Democrats.
In some states, registered independent voters make up the majority (look at Alaska, Colorado, and Massachusetts.)
Gallup polling alone may not prove that perceived corruption and institutional distrust are two factors in the rise of independents. But the trends are difficult to ignore side by side:
Voters are refusing to join a party at the same time confidence in those parties and institutions controlled by them remains extraordinarily low.
This Isn't Just One Poll
Gallup's corruption numbers fit a much larger pattern. Pew Research Center reported in December that just 17% of Americans trusted the federal government to do what is right always or most of the time.
At the same time, an AP-NORC poll found only 11% of Americans were extremely or very confident that the federal government could make progress on the nation's biggest problems.
Among independents, that number was just 5%.
And Gallup reported in July that average confidence across 14 major American institutions stood at only 27%, a figure that has remained below 30% for five consecutive years.
Twelve of the 14 institutions tracked were at or near their historic lows.
There is a bigger issue here than whether voters approve of Donald Trump, congressional Republicans, Democrats, or any individual politician.
Presidents change. Congressional majorities change. The party voters blame changes.
The distrust doesn't.
When 90% of independent voters believe corruption is widespread, the question for America's political establishment isn't simply how to win their votes in November.
It's why they should trust the system asking for their votes in the first place.
Washington Finally United America: 89% Say Government Corruption Is Widespread is republished as part of The Fulcrumâs partnership with IVN and the Latino News Network to expand voterâfirst journalism and strengthen publicâcentered coverage of democracy.
Keep ReadingShow less
Recommended
College Athletes Are Becoming a New Civic Power â And The Team Is Showing How
Sep 09, 2026
WASHINGTON, D.C. â A growing movement is reshaping how studentâathletes engage with democracy, and at its center is The Team, a nonprofit that integrates civic responsibility directly into college sports. Its mission â developing âteammates, leaders, and citizensâ â is resonating across campuses nationwide as athletes step into roles that extend far beyond competition.
Elizabeth Ford, the team's program manager, noted that studentâathletes are uniquely positioned to influence civic culture because âthey already have a platform, and people listen to them.â Ford highlighted how The Team is channeling that influence into structured, nonpartisan civic leadership.
The organizationâs Engaged Athlete Fellowship has become one of the countryâs fastestâgrowing civic leadership programs for studentâathletes. Applications surged from 59 to 396 between the first and third cycles â an increase reflecting rising interest in civic engagement across NCAA divisions. Fellows receive leadership training, mentorship, and support to design civic projects tailored to their campuses and communities.
Projects have ranged from voterâengagement campaigns and legislative workshops to mentalâhealth initiatives, community sports camps, and resource drives. At Howard University, fellows tackled truancy and organized athleticâgear donations for youth in Africa. At Northwestern, athletes are developing civicâeducation programming and spotlighting racial inequities in womenâs distance running.
In a Fulcrum interview, Elisee Byun, program coordinator for The Team and a former varsity gymnast at UC Berkeley, emphasized why athletes are embracing civic work: âAthletes know how to show up for their communities. They just need the tools to do it intentionally.â Byun said the fellowship helps athletes connect their discipline and teamwork to civic responsibility.
This year, I met the 2025â2026 Engaged Athlete Fellows in Washington, D.C., where athletes connected with professionals across fields â from tech to sports â who showed how civic engagement strengthens their industries and careers. The gathering offered a firsthand look at how young leaders are translating visibility, discipline, and collaboration into civic impact.
- YouTube youtu.be
One fellow, Katherine Helms, a womenâs swimmer at North Carolina State University, underscored why athletes are stepping into civic leadership. âI think first of all I believe as athletes we have a platform that can help better our communities and we're also role models,â Helms said. âPeople look up to us â kids, but also adults.â She described her project, âSwim for Life,â a free, beginner swim and water safety clinic serving children from low-income families in Raleigh. It brought local youth onto a college campus and into a college pool for the first time. âI thought that the impact would be measured on how many kids learned how to swim. But it was more than that. It was confidence-building, seeing themselves differently, and learning a new skill they didnât think they could do.â
âSwim for Lifeâ is run in partnership with Neighbor to Neighbor (N2N), a nonprofit dedicated to reversing the effects of poverty through mentoring, education, and community development. N2N assists with participant recruitment and family outreach to ensure the program reaches children who lack access to swim education.
Another fellow, Jasmine Jackson, a womenâs basketball player at Elizabeth City State University, said the fellowship pushed her to rethink what meaningful community engagement looks like. Her project centered on listening first â not assuming what a neighborhood needed, but building trust through conversation and collaboration. âThe biggest takeaway from that project was the impact that it left on the community,â said Jackson. âLiterally, from everything from the kids to the principalsâjust being able to go into a community and not go in with tunnel vision and âHey, we know how you need help,â but asking them and being intentional and seeing what they need and how you can support that.â Through mentorship, hands-on engagement, and immersive experiences, her goal is to empower future minds by showing them whatâs possible and helping them envision their own journey as scholars, athletes, and changemakers.
Jacksonâs emphasis on listening and communityâdriven work reflects a broader theme emerging across the fellowship: athletes are recognizing that their influence extends well beyond the court, track, or pool. For many, that sense of responsibility is shaped not only by their civic projects but by their own journeys through college athletics â journeys that opened doors to education, mentorship, and longâterm opportunity.
That perspective is especially clear among Division I athletes, who understand firsthand how powerful that pipeline can be. For many, competing at the D1 level isnât just about sports â itâs a gateway to education, opportunity, and career pathways that will outlast their athletic careers. Only a small percentage ever make it to the professional level, so the college experience becomes the foundation they carry forward. Thatâs why building a pipeline matters: ensuring that talented young people, especially those who may not know how to navigate the system, can access the same doors athletics opened for them.
David Davitt of the University of Pennsylvania Menâs Track and Field & Cross Country developed new pathways for student-athletes to pursue careers in financial services. His project focuses on building a structured talent pipeline that expands access to professional opportunities by addressing real obstacles athletes face â including rigid recruiting timelines, demanding practice schedules, and limited flexibility for traditional internships.
âWhen you understand that you have that platform through being there, it's like you want to create that for the next generation,â Davitt said. âI think just experiencing that myself, I really want to make sure that other people have the same opportunity, especially for the ones who don't necessarily know the pathway to get that opportunity, but are well capable of getting in.â
The Team operates as a fiscally sponsored project of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund, the parent organization of The Fulcrum. The partnership reflects a shared commitment to expanding civic infrastructure and empowering new generations of democratic leaders. The Team is already evaluating candidates for the 2026â2027 Engaged Athlete Fellowship â a sign of the programâs continued momentum and the growing national interest in studentâathlete civic leadership.
As studentâathletes continue to rise as influential voices in American culture, The Team is proving that sports can be a powerful entry point into civic life â helping young people build not only stronger teams, but a stronger democracy.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network
Keep ReadingShow less

A federal court sided with LAHSA, but LA nonprofits are still fronting millions to deliver government-funded homeless and DV services. Time to fix this.
Javier Zayas Photography/Getty Images
When Nonprofits Become the Bank for Government
Sep 09, 2026
It is a victory for Los Angeles in LAHSA v. Trump et al. that a federal court has temporarily halted the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's suspension of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority and ordered HUD to execute already-awarded 2025 grants. The court found that HUD's action was arbitrary and unlawful, restoring LAHSA's role as the regional Continuum of Care applicant and protecting critical federal homelessness resources.
That is good news for Los Angeles.
Los Angeles can celebrate the protection of federal funding while still demanding stronger oversight of every public dollar. In fact, it must.
There have been legitimate and disturbing allegations of fraud and financial mismanagement involving a handful of organizations entrusted with public funds. In January, the Los Angeles County District Attorney charged the CEO of the nonprofit Abundant Blessings with allegedly defrauding LAHSA of more than $5 million. Public scrutiny of nonprofit finances, executive compensation, contracting and performance is not only appropriate; it is necessary.
Taxpayers should expect nonprofits receiving public money to be transparent, financially responsible and able to demonstrate that the services they were paid to provide were actually delivered.
But there is another part of the equation that deserves far more public attention. Who pays for the money it takes to deliver a government program before the government actually pays for it?
Nonprofits are often contracted to provide services that government has decided are necessary. They operate shelters, provide rental assistance, help people fleeing violence, deliver homelessness services, connect families to housing and provide countless other services on behalf of public agencies.
Yet many government-funded programs operate on a reimbursement model. The nonprofit have to advance the money.
Recently, Pat Bell CEO of House Of Ruth Inc. in Pomona confirmed that this is not an abstract financial problem.
She shared sitting across from her CFO, exhausted and confronting questions that should never be routine for an organization responsible for keeping survivors safe: âHow will we cover payroll? How will we pay rising health insurance costs? How will we keep rental subsidies flowing for families trying to rebuild their lives?â
The agency has served survivors for 50 years. Yet today, its leadership worries every two weeks about whether there is enough cash in the bank to meet payroll while waiting for months of government reimbursements to be released. Federal funding has been erratic, inconsistent, delayed and paused. Executive orders, funding freezes, delayed contracts, and legal battles, ripple all the way down to a small agency in Pomona and ultimately to the survivors.
The organization has already drawn down its reserves to pay rent for survivors, salaries for crisis workers and the basic costs of keeping its doors open. It is not a story of financial irresponsibility. It is a story of an organization being asked to carry the financial risk of a public system while continuing to provide services that cannot simply be paused.
As the CEO put it, this has become its own kind of organizational trauma.
With this reimbursement model, that means the nonprofit is not simply providing the service. The nonprofit is financing the service.
âResetting LA City to Meet Urgent Community Needs: Nonprofit Action Recommendations for Mayor Bass,â prepared by the Nonprofit Finance Fund and included in Los Angeles County Board materials, uplifts the financial challenges facing government-funded nonprofits; interest expense on loans used to bridge reimbursement gaps is typically not reimbursable through government grants. The report also recognizes that nonprofits can face lengthy delays between providing services and receiving payment, while operating with slim or nonexistent margins and limited ability to build reserves.
Why have we normalized a system in which a nonprofit organization is expected to borrow money to deliver a government program, while the government does not necessarily pay the cost of that borrowing?
The recent federal court ruling makes this conversation even more important. What if Judge David O. Carterâs decision did not favor Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority? What would have happened to the nonprofit agencies who advanced these payments?
We need to challenge the status quo.
Government agencies have budgets, reserves, borrowing authority and access to public financing mechanisms. They have the ability to plan for cash flow.
Most nonprofits do not have those same tools.
Many operate with limited unrestricted reserves precisely because government grants are restricted and because government-funded programs often do not allow organizations to generate meaningful surpluses.
People see a nonprofit receiving a $1 million government contract. They may assume the organization has $1 million sitting in a bank account. It does not. The organization has a $1 million program that requires an enormous advance amount in payroll, rent, services, and other expenses before reimbursement arrives.
The answer is not to eliminate nonprofit oversight but to create a better financing structure.
If government requires nonprofits to front the cost of delivering public programs, then government should be responsible for the reasonable financing costs created by that requirement.
That could mean upfront payments.
It could mean working-capital advances.
It could mean government-backed, low-interest or zero-interest bridge financing.
And where a nonprofit must use a commercial line of credit because of government reimbursement delays, reasonable interest and financing costs should be treated as an allowable cost of delivering the government program.
There should also be enforceable payment timelines.
If government wants nonprofits to meet deadlines for performance, reporting and invoicing, government should have corresponding deadlines for executing contracts, approving invoices and issuing payment.
Accountability should run in both directions.
If a program is a public responsibility, government should fund the full cost of delivering it.
And if we are serious about protecting taxpayer dollars, nonprofit organizations and, most importantly, the people these programs are designed to serve, we must stop expecting nonprofits to absorb the financial risks of government programs.
It is time to stop treating nonprofits as the bank for government.
Stephanie Whack is a survivor of domestic violence, an advocate at the intersection of victimization and homelessness, and a member of The OpEd Project Public Voices Fellowship on Domestic Violence and Economic Security. In 2024, she was awarded the LA City Dr. Marjorie Braude Award for innovative collaboration in serving victims of domestic violence.
Keep ReadingShow less
Load More


















U.S. President Donald Trump boards Air Force One on August 14, 2026 at Joint Base Andrews, Maryland. Trump is traveling to Long Island to tour law enforcement facilities in Nassau County and rally support for local Republican candidates ahead of the upcoming midterm elections
Travel Far Enough, You Meet Yourself
Is it possible that our President has simply not traveled enough?
Born and raised in Queens and attending Fordham University in the Bronx, Donald Trump has no record of traveling outside New York until he was over 20, when he transferred to a college in the neighboring state of Pennsylvania. Were his formative years amiss, then, in his learning about other places and other people?
Is his view akin to the famous New Yorker cover by Saul Steinberg, an illustration of the United States with New York City as the epicenter of the country and the Hudson River the border of the known world? We can now at least add Washington, D.C., and Mar-a-Lago to the map of âthe realm.â
Our President has now traveled some, but what we recommend is another kind of travel. Not a state-sponsored trip or a venture to scout locations for future Trump Towers. This would be a genuine travel experience, enriching and eye-opening, showcasing other cultures and ways of living.
It will extend far beyond viewing military parades, hobnobbing with such âunderstandingâ world leaders as Kim Jong Un, or taking tea with the King.
WHERE, then, should the President go? As Elon Muskâs Starship spacecraft is not yet ready to take passengers to Mars, perhaps he could explore our own vast country?
Maybe he could travel to âflyover country,â the farming states, where his ying-yanging tariffs and trade restrictions have played havoc with rural economies. Or possibly to California, number one in homeless U. S. citizens, and while there, regale homeless veterans (approximately 32,500 nationwide) with tales of his brave exploits invading and bombing foreign countries.
Or he might tour the Great Lakes, and rename the other four?
WHEN should he go? This will be tough, as he is very busy building his ballroom and renaming bodies of water.
How about a trip in early November, around the midterm elections? Despite the long-discredited accusation of widespread voter fraud, it would be reassuring to know he might be so caught up divvying out ladles of soup in a soup kitchen somewhere that he wouldnât remember to deploy the military for âelection security.â
HOW will he travel? He should definitely not take his Qatari-donated, newly renovated 747, especially after last time, when he had to be smuggled off clandestinely in a catering truck. Itâs unlikely any traveling companions, like the Secretary of State or of the Treasury, are going to fall for the ruse a second time. Besides, we may need those people. No more decoys!
Perhaps the President could fly commercially, although this likely would expose him to undue suffering. Without gold bathroom fixtures and maple wood floors, the trip will be no âLuxury Experience.â If only he still had his âTrump Shuttle,â bought with a massive loan he later defaulted on, saying then, âIâm smart. I got out at a good time.â
Considering the potential pitfalls, maybe itâs best the President travel incognito, disguised perhaps as an elderly woman wearing a lot of bronzer.
Wherever, whenever, however: our President needs a vacation.
Moreover, we need a vacation from him.
If the President refuses our travel suggestions, hereâs another idea:
Letâs get him a pet! He has never owned a pet. As we know with our children, pets teach essential life lessons: compassion and empathy; they instill a sense of responsibility. There is a well-established connection between those who can care for a pet and those who can care for people.
So, which pet should we choose? A puppy? A kitten? A boa constrictor?
Imagine, the President may even decide he likes having a pet. After all, what is more obedient than a well-trained dog, besides possibly the Cabinet? And what is more docile than a sweet kitten, other than plausibly the Supreme Court?
The President may even become more mellow with a pet afoot and less likely to slap tariffs on our allies, or attempt to annex our neighbors, or bully our Congress. (Realizing, of course, a bully requires active participation from the bullied to maintain his status.)
Maybe we should do both: get the President a pet and devise a travel plan for him. (Do you think we could possibly convince him to leave his phone at home?)
Letâs go for it! After all:
Travel far enough, you meet yourself. (David Mitchell)
And for our President, that would likely be the most profound discovery of all.
Amy Lockard is an Iowa resident who regularly contributes to regional newspapers and periodicals. She is working on the second of a four-book fictional series based on Jane Austenâs âPride and Prejudice."