Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Philanthropy needs to own up to its role in fueling polarization

divided America
wildpixel/Getty Images

Masters is a philanthropic consultant and nonprofit strategist.

Philanthropy is increasingly called upon to do more to fight deepening polarization in the United States, shore up the nation’s backsliding democracy, and bring people together across ideological and political divides. But to be effective in that role, grant makers need to acknowledge their own part in perpetuating the toxic polarization they seek to address.

American philanthropy is operating in a rapidly changing and unstable environment. Foundations often find themselves on both sides of contentious issues, mirroring the larger fracturing of our society. Dehumanization of so-called opponents, hardening of partisan identities, lack of trust, and erosion of norms have made it objectively more difficult to function, let alone make progress on important societal issues.


This is clearly a big problem in politics. But people who work in philanthropy and at the nonprofits they support are not immune to toxic polarization dynamics and what author and journalist Amanda Ripley calls “ high conflict ”— when disagreement becomes dehumanizing and corrosive rather than constructive and clarifying.

In fact, nonprofit professionals may be especially prone to these dynamics because they care deeply about making an impact on the world and may hold strong, moralistic views about how to achieve that impact. Framing outcomes as win or lose, undervaluing relationships, and prioritizing short-term wins over long-term outcomes are all common behaviors that can contribute to toxic polarization and exacerbate division.

There is no shortage of advice in 2022 about what philanthropy should and should not fund. But few people are talking about how to fund in a way that helps the United States — regardless of what is getting funded. That process must start with a deep and honest look inward.

I know from experience that this isn’t easy. I spent nearly a decade working as a grant maker focused on one of the most contentious issues in the United States — immigration. I had a single-minded focus on achieving wins for immigrants who faced real suffering and adversity. I felt pressure to identify and fund strategies that could lead to tangible results, such as new policies or sweeping legislation that would improve their lives. I wanted those wins badly, and so did my grantees.

In retrospect, I think my sense of urgency about winning made it more difficult to process dissonant information that didn’t align with my strategy or the way I was thinking about the problem and its solution. Frankly, it made it harder for me to anticipate how the immigration debate would soon become a potent proxy for dueling visions of America that would turbocharge xenophobia.

For example, I didn’t worry enough about the potential for backlash. I was aware that nativist sentiment was on the rise, and I funded grantees that tracked that rise. But I didn’t seek out enough evidence about the unintended negative effects immigration battles could have on a large portion of the public who might have reasonable or principled questions or concerns about demographic changes fueled by immigration.

Oversimplifying Issues

I didn’t think enough about cultural issues and how they affected people’s sense of self and identity, and how those feelings could be manipulated and weaponized. It was easy for this to happen because I didn’t intentionally look for opposing voices or try to understand what was animating them. Rather, I tended to group all those voices together, oversimplify even though there was nuance worth capturing, and dismiss them as fringe views.

All of this meant I didn’t question until much later how narratives that portrayed immigrants as worthy or deserving victims who helped power the nation’s economy might backfire and fuel feelings of resentment in some Americans. And because I often collaborated with like-minded grant makers, it was natural to absorb what felt like the prevailing wisdom about strategy and priorities and to choose grantees vetted by people I trusted.

With the advantage of hindsight, I now see that I would have benefitted from challenging these assumptions and asking tough questions about our approach and that of our grantees. Were we perpetuating polarization around the issue and, in the process, making our own path to success harder? Were we diversifying our approach and investments enough? Were we comfortable with the means our grantees were using to achieve their ends?

Grant-making processes and the mindsets that undergird them should facilitate the pursuit of societal transformation in a way that strengthens our democratic foundation and fosters greater social cohesion, rather than potentially amplifying our divisions in unhealthy ways. This ensures that when we do have wins, they will be more resilient and durable.

Over time, these approaches should ideally lead to personal transformation, providing a greater capacity to critically examine assumptions and biases about who is on the other side of an issue and what motivates them — and to forge creative, pragmatic solutions to perniciously divisive problems.

Making this shift requires a clear and intentional strategy. For example, Philanthropy for Active Civic Engagement is designing a tool to help grant makers assess the impact of how they fund alongside questions about what they fund and why. It will be released this summer in conjunction with a multiorganization campaign to encourage funding strategies that advance social cohesion. In the meantime, philanthropic leaders and staff, along with their grantees, should consider the following steps:

Make  the health of our democracy a precondition for progress on any issue. As Stephen Heintz, president of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, has written in these pages: “A functioning democracy is not a panacea for the myriad challenges that foundations seek to address, but a broken democracy makes other broken systems and institutions much harder to fix.” A slide into illiberal democracy or autocracy will make solving our many existing problems much more difficult, if not impossible, and it will escalate others, such as violence and disenfranchisement.

Consider the larger impact and potential collateral damage of well-intentioned but narrow efforts that focus on winning by any means necessary. This will require assessing whether short-term wins might run counter to long-term mission and vision, and when tactical gains in one issue area may cause setbacks in others — and may even weaken democracy. Consider how what you fund and the way you engage may either strengthen or weaken civil society and our social fabric, even if you feel you are in the right.

Leave the echo chamber, build new relationships with unlikely allies, and make space for grantees to do so as well. The work of building an inclusive democracy requires collaboration, which requires trust and respect, especially among groups with divergent thinking. Finding unlikely allies can make your strategy stronger and demonstrate how to build powerful movements that reflect different points of view. These relationships can also help protect and support those who believe that openness to different perspectives is important to achieving progress on a range of issues and who may be challenging inflexible norms or behaviors within their own groups.

Look honestly at underlying biases. Making assumptions about people’s complex identities and oversimplifying problems is antithetical to what is required to tackle most societal challenges, and it drives dangerous us vs. them dynamics. The group More in Common has documented how perception gaps about those across the aisle magnify and distort differences and fuel assumptions that America is more divided than it actually is.

Adapting these processes will take time and will often be uncomfortable. But it’s essential for those who work in philanthropy, regardless of where one stands on the ideological spectrum, to resist toxic polarization and ideological rigidity. Certainly, more investments are needed to fight polarization. But success isn’t possible unless philanthropy also transforms its own practices.

The article was first published in The Chronicle of Philanthropy. Click here to read the original version.

Read More

Insider trading in Washington, DC

U.S. senators and representatives with access to non-public information are permitted to buy and sell individual stocks. It’s not just unethical; it sends the message that the game is rigged.

Getty Images, Greggory DiSalvo

Insider Trading: If CEOs Can’t Do It, Why Can Congress?

Ivan Boesky. Martha Stewart. Jeffrey Skilling.

Each became infamous for using privileged, non-public information to profit unfairly from the stock market. They were prosecuted. They served time. Because insider trading is a crime that threatens public trust and distorts free markets.

Keep ReadingShow less
Could Splits Within the GOP Over Economic Policy Hurt the Trump Administration?

With Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-LA) by his side President Donald Trump speaks to the press following a House Republican meeting at the U.S. Capitol on May 20, 2025 in Washington, DC.

Getty Images, Tasos Katopodis

Could Splits Within the GOP Over Economic Policy Hurt the Trump Administration?

Republican U.S. Senator Josh Hawley from Missouri is an unusual combo of right and left politics—kind of like an elephant combined with a donkey combined with a polar bear. And, yet, his views may augur the future of the Republican Party.

Many people view the Republican and Democratic parties as ideological monoliths, run by hardcore partisans and implacably positioned against each other. But, in fact, both parties have their internal divisions, influenced by various outside organizations. In the GOP, an intra-party battle is brewing between an economic populist wing with its more pro-labor positions and a traditional libertarian wing with its pro-free market stances.

Keep ReadingShow less
Just the Facts: Trump’s Middle East Trip

U.S. President Donald J. Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman a signing ceremony at the Saudi Royal Court on May 13, 2025, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

Getty Images, Win McNamee

Just the Facts: Trump’s Middle East Trip

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, we remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.

Are pro-Israel supporters of Donald Trump concerned about his recent trip to the Middle East?

Keep ReadingShow less
Man looking at stocks on his phone. Stock market.

As Trump pushes disruption, the markets push back.

Getty Images, Alistair Berg

The Markets Strike Back: Why Trump’s Economic Fantasies Keep Crashing into Reality

Trump may have won the election, but he’s losing the markets. In just 100 days, Wall Street has erased nearly $6 trillion in global equity value, according to Bloomberg data cited in The Guardian. The S&P 500 has logged one of its worst openings to a presidential term since the Nixon years. And fund managers—the real-world referees of economic confidence—are sending a message Congress seems unwilling to deliver: enough.

While Trump’s second term has been marked by a tsunami of executive orders, tariff threats, and regulatory purges, the financial markets are refusing to play along. From panicked sell-offs to jittery consumer sentiment and retreating business investment, U.S. capital is staging its own quiet rebellion. Consumer confidence has dropped to its lowest level since 2020, with Americans’ outlook on jobs, income, and business conditions sinking to a 13-year low, according to The Conference Board.

Keep ReadingShow less