CHANGE Illinois is a nonpartisan, nonprofit leading systemic government and election reforms. CHANGE (the Coalition for Honest and New Government Ethics) champions ethical and efficient government and democracy and includes a diverse group of civic, philanthropic, business, labor, professional, and nonprofit organizations representing millions of Illinoisans. CHANGE Illinois works in collaboration with like-minded reform organizations, playing a leadership role in convening and facilitating efforts around shared policy agendas. The coalition works to improve challenges that undermine our democracy, including gerrymandering, restricted ballot access, voter suppression, uncompetitive elections, corruption, lack of government transparency and unethical lobbying, all of which have led to disillusionment and a decrease in civic participation.
Site Navigation
Search
Latest Stories
Join a growing community committed to civic renewal.
Subscribe to The Fulcrum and be part of the conversation.
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More
How Anti-Bribery Laws Apply to Trump’s Promise of $5,000 Payments if Republicans Keep Control of Congress
Oct 06, 2026
In his keynote address to the Republican midterm convention on Sept. 9, 2026, President Donald Trump promised that if Republicans retain control of Congress in November, he would authorize a US$5,000 payment to every American adult.
Trump’s offer seems to run afoul of federal laws, which make it a crime to pay for votes.
After Trump’s speech, political commentator Sam Stein posted on X: “trump openly bribing people to vote for republicans. $5k per person if republicans hold the house and the senate?”
Stein was not alone in referencing bribery. Lisa Gilbert, co-president of Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group, issued the following statement after Trump’s speech: “Trump knows he can’t do this, and yet he’s attempting to bribe voters with the false promise of cash to help his party win an election.”
But as a scholar of political and legal rhetoric, I think it’s worth further examining what the president said and whether his promise violated any law.
An American tradition
Paying voters to support a particular candidate, or promising government jobs in exchange for votes, has a long history in the United States. It was a staple of machine politics in big cities starting in the late 19th century.
The political scholar Simeon Nichter argues that it would be better to describe these practices as examples of “turnout buying.” He notes that “observers in various U.S. cities have complained that some politicians use ‘street money’ – small, unreported cash payments ostensibly used for legal get-out-the-vote efforts such as canvassing and transporting voters – as direct payments for turnout.”
What Nichter describes has made a comeback in our era.
Recall Elon Musk’s effort to ensure a Republican victory in a 2025 state Supreme Court election in Wisconsin. He spent millions in that effort and, as The Associated Press reported, offered “$1 million to people who voted in the Supreme Court election” to encourage them to vote.
In July 2026, the Wisconsin Elections Commission found enough evidence to refer citizen complaints about Musk’s behavior to a district attorney, “which can choose,” as the AP notes, “to bring criminal charges over violating the state law against election bribery.”
A month later, a state prosecutor said he could not prove Musk’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt and would not bring charges.
Federal law
Because state and federal laws differ, we can’t extrapolate from the Wisconsin decision to Trump’s $5,000 promise.
Two provisions of federal law relating to vote buying were adopted by Congress and became law in 1948. Both treated that practice as a form of election interference.
The first reads as follows: “Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote; Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned … or both.”
The second prohibits offering government benefits “to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in connection with any … election to any political office.”
Both provisions focus on the use of money or the promise of benefits to get individuals to vote in a particular way.
President Trump arrives at the Republican convention in Dallas on Sept. 9, 2026. AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson
But Trump did not make his offer to any particular voter or set of voters. And, unlike Musk, he was acting as a public figure. The president’s promise was directed to all voters, not just to those who vote Republican.
John Day, a former federal prosecutor, compared Trump’s “dividend” to a pledge to deliver a tax break. “A promise to lower taxes also gives voters a financial reason to support a candidate, but that does not, by itself, make the promise a bribe,” Day told The New York Times.
Supreme Court precedent
In 1982, in Brown v. Hartlage, the Supreme Court weighed in on the legality of political figures promising financial benefits to voters. It found nothing wrong with the practice so long as the benefit was not offered as a quid pro quo to a particular voter.
Writing for a unanimous court, Justice William Brennan said that a political candidate “no less than any other person, has a First Amendment right to engage in the discussion of public issues and vigorously and tirelessly to advocate his own election and the election of other candidates.”
In his view, that right includes making statements about financial gains voters might receive if a candidate or a party wins an election, as long as they were “made openly and were subject to the criticism of his political opponent and to the scrutiny of the voters.” Such statements, Brennan added, were different from “corrupting private agreements and solicitations historically recognized as unprotected by the First Amendment.”
The Hartlage decision remains the applicable precedent today.
A year after the court’s decision, however, legal scholars Peter Aranson and Kenneth Shepsle argued that the Supreme Court decision countered several lower court decisions that had treated promises of the kind the high court approved “as analogous to bribes, which would turn the citizenry’s attention away from ‘proper’ public policy issues.”
Trump may view the question of whether Republicans retain control of Congress as just such an issue.
Beyond legality
Whatever Trump’s view, commentators have observed that in Trump’s world, relationships are transactional. It is the deal that counts, not the values it promotes or undermines. So, the importance of Trump’s cash offer goes beyond the legal question of whether it is bribery, vote buying or a legitimate political promise.
It’s worth focusing attention on the virtues and vices of the transactional approach to politics, what it does to the character of U.S. political life and to the way Americans see the world.
One of Trump’s critics, the former presidential speechwriter Peter Wehner, describes what he calls “the great civic danger posed by Donald Trump” this way: “that the habits of his heart become the habits of our hearts: that his code of conduct becomes ours.”
Whether or not he is right, Wehner points Americans to a domain beyond law as the right place to assess the president’s promise of a “Trump Dividend.”
How Anti-Bribery Laws Apply to Trump’s Promise of $5,000 Payments if Republicans Keep Control of Congress was originally published by The Conversation and is republished with permission.
Keep ReadingShow less
Recommended

Moving for fall semester? Check your voter registration before the 2026 midterms. Learn the ID rules and mail voting barriers, and make your plan to vote.
visualspace/Getty Images
The Most Important Assignment of the Semester: Make a Plan to Vote
Oct 05, 2026
For many students, the start of the fall semester means a new address. Whether it's a freshman-year dorm room or a sick (you decide the connotation here) off-campus apartment, your address can impact how and where you vote. With midterms quickly approaching—no, we’re not just talking about your exams—checking your voter registration now means you’ll have plenty of time to overcome any potential barriers to voting, cast a ballot, and make your vote count.
Systemic Barriers Could Keep Young People From Voting
Young people make up the country’s largest voting bloc, but turn out at consistently lower rates than older generations. It’s not, as any young person reading this knows, because they don’t care. Gen Z cares deeply about the issues that affect our daily lives, and yet, young people in every corner of the country face roadblocks to voting. No one can participate in an election they aren’t registered for (except in North Dakota), and absolutely no one can overcome barriers they don’t even know exist. The truth is that many laws and policies make it harder for young people to vote. So, let’s take a look at the numbers:
Why are only 30% of 18-year-olds typically registered to vote during a midterm election cycle? While the lowest-performing states have cutoffs that prevent young people from registering unless they will be 18 by the next election, all of the highest-performing states allow young people to preregister to vote by at least age 17. Color us shocked!
Voting also becomes infinitely harder when you don’t have a driver’s license. And wouldn’t you know, young people are generally less likely to have driver’s licenses than other age cohorts! In 2020, 28% of people who did not vote also did not have a driver’s license. In 2024, 12% of young people cited living out of town or away from home as their main reason for not voting.
And while a driver’s license is one of the most common ways to prove your identity at the polls, wouldn’t it be great if there was another form of identification all college students had? Wait, it’s called a student ID, and fourteen states ban it as voter ID entirely, while seven more states allow only some forms of student ID.
And for young people who don’t have access to transportation, voting by mail becomes a safeguard—but even voting by mail is becoming harder. In the last year, 16 states have passed bills to restrict the practice.
So, at what point will we stop questioning whether young people want to vote, and start questioning why our election officials don’t want them to cast a ballot?
Your Vote Can Shape What Happens Next
The full power of the youth vote could change the future of this country, and for 14 years, Fair Elections Center’s Campus Vote Project (CVP) has fought alongside young people to protect, expand, and facilitate that power. We know that the younger someone starts voting, the more likely it becomes that they will be a lifelong voter.
That’s why CVP created our Democracy Fellow program. Every semester, nearly 300 fellows learn about election law in their state, get involved in election protection efforts, and help create an action plan with their campus voting coalition through our Voter Friendly Campus program to institutionalize democratic engagement on campus for years to come. These trainings and leadership development opportunities prepare the next generation to be stewards of democracy: mobilizing their peers, getting them registered to vote and to the polls, fighting back against misinformation on their campuses, and helping overcome every barrier to turnout that threatens our nation’s newest voters.
As we celebrate National Voter Education Week, Sarah—a democracy fellow in Virginia—can see how excited students are to register to vote and participate in our democracy, both inside and outside the voting booth. Sitting behind a table in the quad at the center of campus, wearing an “Ask Me About Voting” T-shirt, students walk up to her all day with questions. Where can I vote? Am I even eligible? Can I use my student ID or will I get turned away? Voting for the first time can be nerve-racking. She can relate—it wasn’t that long ago when she was a first-time voter, too.
Nearly 50 million young people will be eligible to vote in the 2026 midterm elections. Are you one of them? As you pick up your textbooks and read through the syllabi for your classes, let’s not forget the most important assignment of the semester: check your registration and make a plan to vote.
Follow our voter checklist and learn more about how to make every vote count with Fair Elections Center’s 2026 Election Survival Guide:
● Check your voter registration
● Look up the voting rules and deadlines in your state
● Confirm your polling place and voting options
● Make sure you understand ID requirements
● Help a friend who is voting for the first time do the same
Ciarra Malone is Regional Manager for Fair Elections Center’s Campus Vote Project.
Sarah Tyree-Herrmann, University of Mary Washington ‘27, is a Democracy Fellow for Fair Elections Center’s Campus Vote Project.
Keep ReadingShow less

man holding his hands on open book
Photo by Patrick Fore on Unsplash
Faith Communities Can Help Restore Trust in America’s Elections
Oct 05, 2026
Less than half of Americans expect this November’s midterm election to be free and fair. According to a survey from the University of California San Diego, confidence is falling among Democrats, Republicans, and Independents alike. The data is disconcerting, but it also points to an important opportunity. When trust is fraying, we have a chance to intentionally strengthen the relationships that make civic life possible. Elections provide a concentrated moment to practice pluralism, the work of respecting, relating, and cooperating across difference for the common good. Faith communities are uniquely situated to help us do that.
Elections ask us if people who vote differently can live together as neighbors. Faith communities have a vital role to play in helping us answer that question with a resounding "yes!” Faith communities teach us about trust and relationships. They help us build belonging, and they remind us that disagreement doesn’t have to mean contempt. When we engage in elections in that spirit, we aren’t just choosing leaders or voting for ballot initiatives. We are engaging in the very relationships that make democracy possible.
That’s why Interfaith America is proud to join Braver Angels, faith250, Paths to Understanding, Living Room Conversations, Listen First Project, and the National Institute for Civil Discourse in promoting the Faith in America initiative. The initiative is built on a simple and powerful idea: supporting free, fair, and safe elections is not a partisan cause. It is a shared civic responsibility, and faith communities can reduce fear and division that threaten our belief in a shared civic life.
Faith leaders and community members who want to get involved can visit the Faith in America website to find resources, sign up for events, and connect with other partners in their area. By signing up or reaching out, individuals and congregations can show their support and take practical steps to strengthen trust and participation in elections.
Faith in America is built on three pillars — national online prayer services, a social media campaign, and local community engagement efforts designed to strengthen trust and confidence in elections.
Interfaith America supports this work by sharing its Faith in Elections Playbook, which offers local faith and civic leaders practical, nonpartisan tools to lead their communities in engaging in elections with a spirit of pluralism. The playbook leans on the strengths and roles faith communities already play as trusted messengers, conveners, and relationship builders. Faith leaders can:
-Share reliable information about voting
-Host conversations across differences
-Encourage members to serve as poll workers or poll chaplains
-Organize meetings with election officials to express gratitude, support, and accountability
Our elections are run by our neighbors at the state and local level, not from Washington, D.C. We get lost in national narratives about division and miss opportunities to build relationships that can strengthen trust in elections in our own backyard.
Trust grows through relationships. When members of a congregation meet with a local election official, tour an election office, or join a community conversation, it builds connection and understanding. One example comes from Trinity Community Church in Ohio, where members organized a visit to their county election office last year. Initially, several participants expressed skepticism and uncertainty about how ballots are counted. After speaking with election staff, viewing the process firsthand, and asking questions in a respectful setting, the group left with renewed confidence in the local process and a commitment to share what they learned with their broader community. I’ve heard from participants who arrived for meetings with local election officials with deep concerns and then left confident, ready to share accurate information with friends, family, and fellow congregants. That change came from human connection.
Elections inevitably produce winners and losers. The deeper test is whether people who vote differently can keep living together as neighbors. I have faith they can. Every day, I see Americans choosing connection over contempt and relationship over suspicion. Those choices, made in communities across the country, are what make both pluralism and democracy possible.
Scott Rasmussen is the Director of Democracy Initiatives at Interfaith America.
Keep ReadingShow less

two toddler playing letter cubes
Photo by Marisa Howenstine on Unsplash
New York Is Making Childcare Affordable. Don’t Forget the People Providing It.
Oct 05, 2026
Last month, New York City opened its first free 2-K classrooms. Roughly 2,000 two-year-olds got seats, the beginning of Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s push for universal childcare.
More than 5,700 applied for those first 2,000 seats, which gives some sense of the demand. Childcare has become unaffordable for too many parents, and New York is doing something important by treating it less as a private family expense and more as a public responsibility.
But something else happened in that first week. Some of the people providing the care were still waiting to be paid.
Providers described dipping into savings, taking out loans and struggling to cover payroll - asking staff to work for free without any supplies - while city contracts were still being processed. In the worst case, programs delayed opening, leaving families scrambling for last-minute care.
The city has acknowledged the problem and is working to fix it, with a $43 million effort to improve early childhood contracting and offering interest-free bridge loans.
While the delays may be temporary, they exposed a blind spot that is all too familiar in childcare: we often design around making childcare work for families, and forget the realities of those providing the care itself.
Home-based childcare providers are a crucial part of 2-K, and are among the easiest to overlook. Richard Buery, who helped build New York City’s universal pre-K program a decade ago, has warned that 2-K’s heavy reliance on home-based providers makes payment delays particularly risky. A larger childcare organization may have reserves to keep operating while it waits for a city contract to clear. Many providers running programs out of their homes do not. For them, a delay can quickly become a question of whether they can pay staff, buy food or keep the doors open.
Andrea Pena has cared for children in the Bronx for nearly three decades. Her home-based program is licensed for 14 children and is usually full. After paying her employees and expenses, she estimates she earns about $9.50 an hour - less than New York’s minimum wage. The median wage for New York’s home-based childcare providers is just $6 an hour. Selling coffee at Dunkin’ Donuts is three-times more lucrative than caring for babies during their most critical stage of development.
“Going through my budget, it’s like my stomach aches,” she told Gothamist. “It hurts, because I’m not making any money.”
I have heard versions of that sentence for years, only usually 7,000 miles away.
In Nairobi’s informal settlements, some of the childcare providers I work with run their businesses from a single ten-foot-by-ten-foot corrugated metal shack. Their family sleeps there at night. By sunrise, it is full of babies and toddlers whose parents have gone to work.
I’ve spent much of my career in rooms like that. Of course the dollar amounts are nowhere near New York’s, but the experience of waiting for money is the same.
Most parents in Nairobi’s urban slums work as casual laborers - washing clothes, cleaning homes or selling fruits and vegetables door-to-door - which means there is no predictable paycheck, and often no guarantee that they will earn anything that day. If a mother does earn something, she may pay the childcare provider, or use that money to cover dinner for the night. If she doesn’t, the fee rolls over, often for weeks or months on end.
Turning a child away doesn’t necessarily solve the problem. Without childcare, the mother may lose that day’s work, along with the chance to earn the money she already owes. So the provider waits. She keeps caring for the child while waiting for money that may never come. She acts like a safety net, while struggling to make her own ends meet.
New York is trying to do something very different by putting public money behind childcare so families do not have to carry the cost alone. And while that is a major step forward, the next question is how to build that public financing in a way that works for the small providers the system depends on.
To be sure, some friction is inevitable when a city launches a program this large and ambitious, and the Mamdani administration has moved quickly to address it.
But if New York is going to rely on home-based providers to help deliver 2-K at scale, the payment system has to reflect the fact that many cannot front weeks or months of food, wages and other operating costs while waiting for government money. Funds need to arrive early enough, and predictably enough, that providers can run the business without becoming the city’s lender.
Families have rightly been at the center of New York’s push for universal childcare. As 2-K grows, the financial reality of the people caring for their children needs to be just as present in its design. If home-based providers are essential to universal childcare, the system has to work for them too, from the day the first child walks through the door.
Sabrina Habib is the Co-Founder of Kidogo, Kenya’s largest childcare network and leads the Zera Fund, spurring new investments into childcare globally as part of Melinda French Gates’ Global Leaders Initiative. She is also a Public Voices Fellow Tackling Poverty, a partnership between The Op-Ed Project and Acumen.
Keep ReadingShow less
Load More
















