The Democracy Initiative is a coalition of organizations working toward a bright future in which all Americans participate fully and freely in the democratic process. Our partner organizations pursue a diverse range of progressive goals, including civil rights, workers' rights, women's rights, and climate justice, but we know that success in any of these areas depends on reforming our democracy. United by a shared vision for a political process that counts every voice and every vote equally, we are mobilizing members of Democracy Initiative organizations to ensure that all Americans can vote, diminish the influence of corporate and special interests, and halt the obstruction that has thrown our Congress out of balance.
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U.S. President Donald Trump walks towards Marine One on the South Lawn on May 1, 2025 in Washington, DC.
Getty Images, Andrew Harnik
Congress Bill Spotlight: National Garden of American Heroes, As Trump Proposed
Jun 13, 2025
The Fulcrum introduces Congress Bill Spotlight, a weekly report by Jesse Rifkin, focusing on the noteworthy legislation of the thousands introduced in Congress. Rifkin has written about Congress for years, and now he's dissecting the most interesting bills you need to know about, but that often don't get the right news coverage.
What do Kobe Bryant, Dr. Seuss, Walt Disney, Alex Trebek, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg have in common?
What the bill does
The National Garden for America's 250th Anniversary Act would create a public park depicting 250 sculptures of notable historic Americans. The park would open in July 2026, tied to the “semiquincentennial” 250th anniversary of July 1776’s Declaration of Independence signing.
Who would be depicted in this park? While President Donald Trump’s executive order, which inspired it, contains a list of 250 proposed people, the actual legislative text contains no such names. Vince Haley, chair of Trump’s Domestic Policy Council, would be tasked with finalizing the selections.
Where would it be located? Again, the legislative text doesn’t say, stating that the decision is up to the Interior Secretary. While most “national” landmarks are in the nation’s capital of Washington, D.C., South Dakota Gov. Larry Rhoden (R) proposes locating it near Mount Rushmore in his state.
The congressional bill was introduced by Rep. Brian Mast (R-FL21).
Context
In the summer of 2020, amid a nationwide reckoning on race relations, statues of Confederate generals and other controversial figures with fraught histories on race were torn down around the country. Trump opposed these changes, calling them attempts to “erase our history.”
So that July, against this tumult, he issued an executive order creating a “National Garden of American Heroes.” A subsequent executive order in January 2021, on the third-to-last day of his term, proposed 250 Americans who could be depicted.
Most are some combination of “the usual suspects” like George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, plus favorites of the modern right like conservative Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and televangelist pastor Billy Graham.
However, at least a few names might be surprising, like liberal Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. The list also includes abolitionist Harriet Tubman, even though Trump opposed putting Tubman’s face on the $20 bill, calling it “pure political correctness.” (President Andrew Jackson, the bill’s current face for now, is also one of the 250 proposed statues.)
A few proposed names are less historical and political but instead more recent and entertaining, such as Jeopardy host Alex Trebek and basketball legend Kobe Bryant.
President Joe Biden revoked Trump’s executive order creating the statue garden in May 2021, only for Trump to reinstate it in January 2025.
Who could be included?
The 250 final statues wouldn’t necessarily match the 250 proposed statues from Trump’s executive order. Still, they provide a rough guide, an assortment of notable Americans from all walks of life.
Here are a few particularly notable names each from various different categories:
- Musicians: Elvis Presley, Whitney Houston, Frank Sinatra, Aretha Franklin, Ray Charles.
- Athletes: Kobe Bryant, Muhammad Ali, Jackie Robinson, Jesse Owens, Babe Ruth.
- Actors and filmmakers: Walt Disney, Shirley Temple, John Wayne, Alfred Hitchcock, Jimmy Stewart.
- Writers and authors: Theodore “Dr. Seuss” Geisel, Mark Twain, Ernest Hemingway, Francis Scott Key (The Star-Spangled Banner), Harper Lee (To Kill a Mockingbird).
- Television figures:Jeopardy host Alex Trebek, The French Chef host Julia Child, comedian and 19-time Academy Awards host Bob Hope.
- Inventors: Steve Jobs, Thomas Edison, Henry Ford, Orville and Wilbur Wright.
- Advocates: Susan B. Anthony, Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass.
- Pioneers and explorers: Neil Armstrong, Johnny “Appleseed” Chapman, Amelia Earhart, Christa McAuliffe (school teacher aboard the Challenger, which exploded in 1986), Sally Ride (first woman in space).
- First Ladies: Eleanor Roosevelt, Dolley Madison.
- Political figures: Alexander Hamilton, Jeannette Rankin (first woman to serve in Congress).
- Scientists: Albert Einstein, Katherine Johnson (the long-unheralded NASA mathematician portrayed in the movie Hidden Figures).
- Supreme Court justices: Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Antonin Scalia, Thurgood Marshall.
- Military: Douglas MacArthur, George Patton.
- Presidents: 17 of the 45 men to serve as president are listed for consideration. While some are “obvious,” such as all four carved into Mount Rushmore, two lesser-known names are Calvin Coolidge and Grover Cleveland. Three perhaps surprising Democratic presidents include Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, and John F. Kennedy.
Plus a few notable names that don’t neatly fit into any of the above categories: Benjamin Franklin, Betsy Ross, Norman Rockwell, Helen Keller, Annie Oakley, Paul Revere.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the sculpture garden will serve much the same role as other iconic landmarks depicting notable Americans like the Lincoln Memorial, Jefferson Memorial, and Mount Rushmore.
“The National Garden will be a beautiful site to honor our history and recognize prominent American founders and generations of trailblazers,” Rep. Mast said in a press release. “America’s past and present is filled with heroes from all walks of life and this new garden will soon be open to the public to forever remember their contributions.”
Rep. Mast’s website also includes a survey where the public can nominate anybody for a statue. The poll also includes six specific names to upvote, four of whom are on the original proposed list: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Albert Einstein, and Babe Ruth. Two others are not: Trump himself and singer Kid Rock. (Both are still alive; all of the original 250 names are deceased.)
What opponents say
Opponents counter that the sculpture garden would be sycophantic propaganda at a time when the administration is slashing money for more so-called “authentic” arts.
“For 60 years, the [National Endowment for the Humanities] has enhanced education at all levels — K-12, higher ed, and community-based — by supporting a thoughtful and critical engagement with history, art, and culture,” Northwestern University Art History Professor Rebecca Zorach wrote in a Chicago Tribune opinion column. “Diverting NEH funding toward the commissioning of top-down, politically prescribed ‘art’ is an affront to the vital work the NEH has historically done.”
Opponents may also counter that this basic idea functionally already exists, in the form of the National Statuary Hall. Each of the 50 states selects two notable figures for statues representing their home states, totaling 100 statues displayed at the U.S. Capitol Building.
However, each individual legislature selects their own state’s statues, while Trump’s idea would select them at the federal level instead. At least while Trump or a Republican is president, this would make it less likely that certain statues would be taken down, like Virginia’s 2020 vote to remove Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee while Trump was president.
Odds of passage
The bill has attracted two cosponsors, both Republicans: Reps. Mike Lawler (R-NY17) and Barry Moore (R-AL1).
It awaits a potential vote in the House Natural Resources Committee, controlled by Republicans.
Jesse Rifkin is a freelance journalist with the Fulcrum. Don’t miss his weekly report, Congress Bill Spotlight, every Friday on the Fulcrum. Rifkin’s writings about politics and Congress have been published in the Washington Post, Politico, Roll Call, Los Angeles Times, CNN Opinion, GovTrack, and USA Today.
SUGGESTIONS:
Congress Bill Spotlight: Preventing Presidential Inaugurations on MLK Day, Like Trump’s
Congress Bill Spotlight: No Invading Allies Act
Congress Bill Spotlight: Suspending Pennies and Nickels for 10 Years
Congress Bill Spotlight: Trump’s Birthday and Flag Day Holiday Establishment Act
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Recommended
Democracy on the Edge—And How We Bring It Back
Jun 13, 2025
Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 5. With Rob Ritchie and Eveline Dowling’s help, we highlight timely links and stories about democracy at the local, national, and global levels. Today's stories include:
🧨 The psychology of political violence in America
💡 Reimagining the voter guide
📖 Creating citizens’ initiative assemblies
⚡ Allowing 17-year-olds to vote
🕓 This week’s timely links
In keeping with The Fulcrum’s mission to share ideas that help to repair our democracy and make it live and work in our everyday lives, we intend to publish The Expand Democracy 5 in The Fulcrum each Friday.
If you want to suggest a pro-democracy idea for coverage in The Expand Democracy 5, please use the contact form at Expand Democracy.
The Psychology of Political Violence in America
*This piece is not related to the current protests in Los Angeles, as it takes a broader perspective. That said, my advice still stands: ask friends not to be violent.*
On June 1, the tranquil ambiance of Boulder's Pearl Street Mall was shattered when Mohamed Sabry Soliman, a 45-year-old Egyptian nationalist, launched a violent assault on a peaceful pro-Israel demonstration. Armed with Molotov cocktails, Soliman injured 15 individuals, including an 88-year-old Holocaust survivor. Soliman cited a desire to harm those he perceived as "Zionist people." His actions underscore a disturbing trend of politically motivated violence that has been escalating across the U.S., with many fearing it could get worse without greater attention to how to mitigate the threat.
This incident is not isolated. The U.S. has seen a surge in hate crimes targeting specific religious or ethnic groups, including the May 21st murder of two Israeli embassy staff outside the Capital Jewish Museum in D.C. These attacks, amid heightened tensions from the Israel-Hamas conflict, highlight that while such violence must be condemned, it can stem from political voicelessness. Washington Post columnist Shadi Hamid wrote about the genocide of Gaza's Palestinian children, who lack political recourse in the U.S. The concerns around this are valid, yet most Congress members from both major parties support military aid to Israel and defend its actions.
The attack on Congress and the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, was similar in nature. Fueled by a White House demagogue promoting “Stop the Steal” lies, the rioters felt their views were blocked by state and federal courts, state legislators, and Congress. Their violence could have escalated further without the bravery of the U.S. Capitol police, yet it led to several deaths and injuries to as many as 140 officers. President Trump’s election lies are now embraced by his party, as he pardoned the January 6th rioters on his first day in office. His supporters now have political representation in the nation’s highest offices, but it comes with an inherent volatility if they don’t like the outcome of the next national election.
One approach to maintaining activist passion in politics is providing representation, which is more likely in proportional systems than in U.S.-style winner-take-all elections. But we need not wait for structural reforms to address the root causes of radicalization and to develop comprehensive strategies against domestic extremism. As communities face the impact of such attacks, a balanced approach is required to ensure security while upholding civil liberties. Investing in outreach, education, and early intervention programs can prevent the spread of extremist ideologies.
[Source: The Religious Action Center]
The Psychology of Political Violence: When Fear Becomes Force: The attack in Boulder, CO, was not just an act of hatred. It was also an expression of deep psychological insecurity. To understand how ordinary individuals commit extraordinary violence, we must examine what political psychologists describe as defensive extremism: a process by which individuals lash out violently in response to a perceived loss of control, belonging, or identity.
Research shows that political violence is often rooted less in ideology than it is in psychological distress and identity threat (see Huddy, Mason, and Arroe, 2015). When people experience social, economic, or cultural instability, they often interpret political change as an attack on their sense of self (see Liliana Mason’s 2018 book Uncivil Agreement). In this vulnerable state, violence becomes a perverse attempt to restore agency and impose order on a world that feels chaotic. This dynamic is especially potent among (1) socially isolated individuals who lack strong community ties or identity anchors, (2) contexts of rapid change where longstanding social hierarchies or belief systems feel upended, and (3) online echo chambers where grievances are magnified and weaponized.
Other research led by Katarzyna Jasko examines how the “quest for significance” reveals how people who feel humiliated, excluded, or powerless are more likely to adopt extreme ideologies that offer dignity and clarity through action, including violent action (International Society of Political Psychology, 2014). Moghaddam’s “staircase to terrorism” model explains how personal grievances and perceived injustices escalate through stages of cognitive narrowing and moral justification, ultimately leading some individuals to see violence as the only meaningful choice (American Psychologist, 2005). In the Boulder case, the attacker expressed a desire to “send a message” and “hurt Zionist people,” reflecting the classic signs of externalized blame and moralization of violence seen in radicalized individuals.
As political violence rises in the U.S., understanding the distinct psychological processing types is crucial. Jonathan Ludwig’s Unforgiving Places, based on FBI homicide data, shows nearly 80% of American murders are expressive, not instrumental. These acts aren’t calculated for gain; they’re emotional eruptions, “a match struck in passing,” as Ludwig writes. Driven by frustration, alienation, and the need to find meaning amid perceived threats, expressive violence is spontaneous and personal. Ludwig links this violence to System 1 thinking: a rapid, reactive mode that views the world in binaries, asking “what does this have to do with me?”, and prioritizing threats over possibilities. When people are overwhelmed by fear, outrage, or perceived injustice, especially in polarized environments, this mentality can escalate political issues and turn personal grievances into public violence.
Framing these attacks as psychologically defensive doesn’t excuse them, but it does help us intervene more effectively. Preventing political violence requires more than surveillance or enforcement. It demands early interventions that build belonging, mitigate identity threats, and inoculate individuals against dehumanizing narratives. Programs focused on community engagement, online radicalization prevention, and trauma-informed education are key to addressing the root causes, not just the symptoms, of domestic extremism. In a moment when political violence is becoming more individualized, improvised, and ideologically diverse, understanding its psychological roots is essential to preserving a healthy democracy. We can all help by speaking out against violence whenever friends and neighbors suggest it.
Resources:
- Journal of Democracy, October 2024 article: How to Prevent Political Violence by Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca
- The Ash Center’s August 2024 event, Political Violence in America: Causes, Consequences, and Countermeasures
- Political Violence — Resources from the Democracy Funders Network
Reimagining the Voter Guide for a New Era of Engagement💡
In 2024 and beyond, civic groups are realizing that reaching voters, especially young, new, and disengaged ones, requires more than simply sending out dense sample ballots and FAQs. A new generation of voter guides and education tools is emerging: visual, mobile, personalized, and culturally relevant. The best of these not only inform voters but also invite them in.
A recent roundup by Nonprofit VOTE offers 24 creative ideas to engage voters, including pop-up voter registration events, collaborations with local artists, and co-branded guides designed with trusted community institutions. The emphasis: meet people where they are, physically and emotionally, and use trusted messengers to increase turnout in overlooked communities.
Meanwhile, the Center for Civic Design lays out clear best practices for creating effective, inclusive voter guides. Their latest field guide encourages election officials and nonprofits alike to:
- Focus on actionable, accessible information (e.g., where, when, and how to vote).
- Avoid legal jargon in favor of clear, visual language.
- Tailor guides to different reading levels and languages, and include sample ballots and candidate statements to clarify the process.
This matters most for younger voters. According to the Center for Tech and Civic Life’s youth engagement research and Aristotle’s Gen Z outreach guide, young people want:
- Peer-to-peer content and videos that break down how voting connects to issues they care about (i.e., short explainers, meme formats, or Instagram Reels).
- Interactivity and immediacy via QR codes, personalized reminders, and AI chat-based guides.
- Messaging that emphasizes empowerment and self-expression instead of guilt or doom.
Together, these approaches indicate a modern voter engagement model that resembles an invitation to a community project rather than a bureaucratic transaction. As we approach 2026 and 2028, Expand Democracy will be watching and supporting groups that view voter education not merely as a requirement but as a creative discipline grounded in design, storytelling, and a sense of belonging.
Rebuilding Direct Democracy with Citizens’ Initiative Assemblies💡
[Source: Harvard Law Today]
This month’s Harvard Law Review features a compelling student note that confronts a growing crisis in American democracy: the broken ballot initiative process. Once a proud Progressive Era reform to give voters a direct voice, today’s initiative system is increasingly dominated by big money, special interests, and confusing policies that voters often don’t fully understand. And yet the initiative gives voters direct power to pass policies they support. Can we fix it instead of eliminating it, and create conditions that could make it viable in more states?
The article, titled “Putting the Initiative Back Together”, proposes a bold fix: create Citizens’ Initiative Assemblies, permanent, randomly selected groups of everyday people who would deliberate on proposed ballot initiatives, offer guidance to voters, and even help shape what gets on the ballot in the first place. Drawing from international examples in Ireland and Canada, and Oregon’s own Citizens’ Initiative Review, the paper argues these deliberative bodies could restore trust, transparency, and legitimacy to the initiative process, especially as more states move to restrict direct democracy.
At a time when legislatures in multiple states are actively trying to roll back ballot access, this idea points to a future where more voters, not fewer, have a say in shaping the laws that govern them. Please send us your own ideas about how we can best have initiative and referendum rights in the 21st century.
Expanding the Franchise for 17-Year-olds in Primaries⚡
Across the country, a quiet but growing reform is reshaping who gets a say in our democracy: allowing 17-year-olds to vote in primaries so long as they’ll be 18 by the general election. Advocates argue this simple change can have outsized impacts: strengthening youth engagement, increasing turnout, and ensuring that young voters have a voice in deciding who appears on their November ballot. It is also eminently logical: if a citizen is eligible to elect someone in November, they should have the opportunity to vote in primaries and pick the nominees for that election.
According toBallotpedia, 27 states and Washington, D.C., now allow some form of 17-year-old primary voting. In many cases, this applies to presidential primaries, but in others, it also includes 19 states for congressional and state primaries. This means millions of high school seniors, many of whom are politically aware and civically engaged, can participate in shaping the choices available in general elections.
FairVote notes that this reform can be especially effective when combined with civic education and pre-registration programs. In Maryland, for instance, pre-registered 17-year-olds voted at higher rates than older first-time voters in 2020, thanks in part to targeted outreach and school-based engagement. Allowing 17-year-olds to vote isn’t just symbolic; it has tangible results.
The principle is simple: if eligible to vote in November, you should have a say in the ballot. States seeking to boost Gen Z civic participation find this reform appealing due to its bipartisan support, low cost, and measurable impact. With the 2026 midterms approaching, expanding primary voting rights to 17-year-olds might be one of the most straightforward and impactful steps we can take.
[Teens 16 and 17 get to vote in Alameda County school board races. Source: LA Times]
Timely Links
We close The Expand Democracy 5 with notable links:
- The true danger of Trump’s Tariffs: Michael McConnell, director of Stanford’s Constitutional Law Center and a former Bush-appointed federal judge, in the New York Times: “Urgent necessity is the intelligible principle that defines an emergency. If Mr. Trump wants Congress to give him blanket authority to impose tariffs to combat ‘large and persistent trade deficits,’ which by his own account happened over generations, he should ask Congress to expressly grant him such broad authority. Any other interpretation would allow the president to ignore the limiting terms of the statute if he finds it inconvenient. That would not be the constitutional republic the founders designed.”
- White House Pushes Texas to Redistrict, Hoping to Blunt Democratic Gains: “Trying to push through new maps would almost certainly set off a bruising political fight of the sort last seen in 2003, when Representative Tom DeLay, a senior Republican House leader from Texas, forced through a redrawing of the Texas political maps. With Republicans now holding a 25-to-12 advantage in the state’s House delegation over Democrats, those opportunities [for major gains] would be more limited…Still, those pushing for the plan believe that Republicans could potentially pick up as many as four or five House seats in 2026.”
- RCV Team Releases Portland City Council Survey: The League of Women Voters of Portland (OR) in May released a report on comprehensive interviews with candidates in the city’s first proportional RCV election. “The interviewees delivered a strongly positive assessment of multi-winner RCV overall. In particular, it was credited with fulfilling its promise of attracting and electing more diverse candidates, reducing partisan rancor and rhetoric, and giving voice to voters who traditionally have had little representation in city government.”
- All Voting is Local’s Vision for the Future of Voting: “Our agenda outlines actionable solutions to ensure the following: (1) every American can get on the rolls and stay on the rolls; (2) every American can vote when, where, and how it works for them—in under 30 minutes (3) partisan interference in vote counting and certification is stopped.
- Testimony from Rob Richie to New York City Charter Commission: Rob was asked to comment in particular on all-candidate primaries, which is his focus in the testimony and several pages of appendices. “Let me start by ranking reform options without factoring in legal and political considerations: 1st choice - hold a single RCV election in November, with three-member districts for city council and a short turnaround mayoral runoff if no candidate earns 40% of first choices; 2nd choice - hold an Alaska-style Top Four primary system, with RCV in November; and 3rd choice - Adopt Maine’s model of RCV in the primary followed by RCV in November.”
- Ranked choice voting is a women’s issue: From Lorissa Rinehart, The Female Body Politic.“Traditional winner-take-all voting systems often work against women and other underrepresented candidates in subtle but powerful ways. When multiple candidates from similar ideological backgrounds want to run, it is almost always the woman who is told, ‘Wait your turn’ and ‘You’ll spoil the election for everyone…’ RCV can help dismantle these structural barriers in several key ways.”
- Reformers' dilemma: Which Pro Rep method is best for US democracy?: From Steven Hill, Democracy SOS.“The fundamental dilemmas of modern representative democracy do not always lend themselves to easy solutions, or to simple assessments of which electoral system design will work best… It is incumbent upon reform advocates to do the hard work of drafting their electoral plan(s) with enough concrete specificity that addresses the known problems of US democracy within the well-known, path-dependent constraints of local, state and national traditions, culture and history, as well as the pros and cons of each PR method.
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Just the Facts: Using the Military to Stop Riots
Jun 12, 2025
The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.
Before President Trump called up the military to stop the L.A. riots this week, has the military ever been called upon to stop protests in the United States?
The military has been deployed to quell protests in the U.S. multiple times throughout history. Some notable instances include:
- The New York City Draft Riots (1863): Federal troops, including battle-hardened veterans from Gettysburg, were sent to restore order during violent protests against the Civil War draft.
- The Bonus Army (1932): President Herbert Hoover ordered the military, led by General Douglas MacArthur, to disperse World War I veterans demanding early payment of promised bonuses.
- The Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s): Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy deployed federal troops and the National Guard to enforce desegregation and protect civil rights activists.
- The Rodney King Riots (1992): President George H.W. Bush invoked the Insurrection Act to send federal troops to Los Angeles after riots erupted following the acquittal of police officers who had beaten Rodney King.
- Hurricane Hugo (1989): Federal troops were deployed under the Insurrection Act to assist in riot control and looting prevention in the aftermath of the hurricane.
What is the legal framework that allows the President to deploy the military? :
The legal framework governing military deployment in U.S. protests is shaped by several key laws:
- The Posse Comitatus Act (1878): This law generally prohibits the use of federal military forces for domestic law enforcement unless explicitly authorized by Congress or the Constitution.
- The Insurrection Act (1807): This allows the president to deploy federal troops to suppress insurrections, enforce federal laws, or restore order when state authorities are unable or unwilling to do so.
- Title 10 of the U.S. Code: This grants the president authority to federalize the National Guard in cases of rebellion or when regular law enforcement is insufficient.
- 10 U.S.C. § 12406: This provision allows the president to call up the National Guard if there is a rebellion or if federal laws cannot be enforced with existing resources.
- The Protective Power Doctrine: Some administrations have argued that the president has inherent constitutional authority to deploy troops to protect federal personnel and property, even without invoking the Insurrection Act.
Is the legal framework that allows the President to use the National Guard to stop protests different then the framework for using the military?
The legal framework for the use of the National Guard versus the military in response to domestic unrest is different.
- National Guard Deployment: The president can activate the National Guard under Title 10 of the U.S. Code, placing them under federal control. This is often done to enforce federal laws or respond to emergencies. However, governors typically control their state’s National Guard under Title 32, meaning they must request federal assistance unless the president overrides them.
- Military Deployment: The Posse Comitatus Act (1878) generally prohibits the use of federal military forces (Army, Navy, Marines, Air Force, Space Force) for domestic law enforcement unless expressly authorized by Congress or the Constitution. The Insurrection Act (1807) is an exception that allows the president to deploy active-duty military personnel if there is an insurrection or widespread violence that state authorities cannot control.
Are the scale of the protests and the commensurate damage and violence much less today than in the other historical examples
The scale of the current unrest in Los Angeles appears to be less destructive than some of the historical examples, but tensions remain high. Reports indicate that protests against federal immigration enforcement have led to vandalism, clashes with law enforcement, and the destruction of property, including five self-driving Waymo vehicles. National Guard troops have been deployed, marking the first federal intervention in Los Angeles without a governor’s request since 1965.
While the damage is significant, it does not yet match the widespread destruction seen in events like the Rodney King riots (1992) where there were 63 deaths and 12,000 arrests or the New York City Draft Riots (1863). However, concerns remain about escalation, as residents fear further violence. Would you like a deeper comparison of the economic impact or law enforcement response across these events?
Where the previous examples were with the support of the Governor of the State
In many cases, governors requested federal assistance, but there have been instances where the president deployed troops without state approval:
Requested by Governors:
- Little Rock, Arkansas (1957): Governor Orval Faubus initially resisted desegregation, but after federal intervention, troops were sent to enforce court orders.
- Los Angeles Riots (1992): California Governor Pete Wilson requested federal troops to restore order after widespread violence.
- Hurricane Katrina (2005): Louisiana Governor Kathleen Blanco requested federal military assistance for disaster relief.
Without Governor Support:
- The Bonus Army (1932): President Hoover ordered the military to disperse protesting veterans in Washington, D.C. without a governor’s request.
- Recent Los Angeles Protests (2025): President Trump federalized the California National Guard and deployed Marines despite objections from Governor Gavin Newsom.
David Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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Defining the Democracy Movement: John Bridgeland
Jun 12, 2025
The Fulcrum presents The Path Forward: Defining the Democracy Reform Movement. Scott Warren's interview series engages diverse thought leaders to elevate the conversation about building a thriving and healthy democratic republic that fulfills its potential as a national social and political game-changer. This initiative is the start of focused collaborations and dialogue led by The Bridge Alliance and The Fulcrum teams to help the movement find a path forward.
John Bridgeland is the CEO and Executive Chair of More Perfect and former Director of the White House Domestic Policy Council under President George W. Bush. More Perfect is a recently launched bipartisan initiative designed to engage a wide range of institutions and Americans in the work of protecting and renewing American Democracy.
With a distinguished National Advisory Council-including leading democracy scholars, practitioners, and former elected officials from across the political spectrum, More Perfect is spearheading an ambitious effort to think bigger and collaborate more intentionally on ways to improve American democracy. The initiative is structured around five “democracy goals” informed by the Our Common Purpose report from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences:
- Universal civic learning
- National service and volunteering
- Bridging divides
- Trusted elections and more representative and responsive governance
- Access to trusted news and information
One ongoing concern in the pro-democracy ecosystem is its fragmentation- many organizations operate in silos, promoting individual solutions, rather than uniting around shared, ambitious objectives. I appreciated Bridgeland’s focus on collaboration and gearing this effort around specific, actionable goals. The hope, already showing early signs of success, is that articulating a coherent set of priorities can attract more philanthropic investment, which in turn, enables deeper collaboration and greater impact.
Still, I wonder whether these high-level goals will resonate beyond the grasstops that often define the democracy space, and whether a truly bipartisan approach is possible in today’s hyper-polarized environment. I appreciated the opportunity to discuss the overall initiatives and address these questions with Bridgeland. His key reflections included:
- Collaboration is really hard, but possible (and money helps): Genuine collaboration in the democracy ecosystem is challenging. Organizations have their own strategies and need to raise their own funds. As Bridgeland relayed from a friend, “Collaborations are unnatural acts among non-consenting adults. So it was not easy to foster collaboration.”
Bridgeland has been involved in efforts over the last 20 years focused on global health and development, specifically on malaria control. He noted that the creation of the Sustainable Development Goals, which were adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2015, brought together diverse institutions and catalyzed public and private partnerships that helped spur new investment, innovation, and progress.
This approach helped spark the idea for the five democracy goals, but this did not come easily. Bridgeland reflected that he talked to an advisor who expressed that “There are all these organizations..bursting into the democratic renewal space, but it’s like the Wild West. I can’t tell what the return on investment is.”
By focusing on a clear set of five goals, More Perfect has been able to bring new funders to the table. Demonstrating that collaboration can raise all boats, both in terms of impact and budget, has helped catalyze genuine collaboration.
- State and local efforts are at the frontlines: Bridgeland was notably silent on federal policy—and didn’t mention Trump—focusing instead on what can be done at the state and local levels. This emphasis has also emerged in other interviews in the series.
More Perfect has been working with governors across the country, from all parts of the political spectrum, to focus on the goals of democracy. Additionally, Bridgeland noted that this moment may actually catalyze more interest and need at the local level. “There’s an interest in many of these goals, and an appetite to actually do things in states and localities…with the downsizing of governments and the efforts underway at the federal level, and Congress not engaging on these issues.”
Bridgeland hopes that if states across the country make concrete progress on issues like civic learning, bridging differences, and service, that the grassroots support will swell up to the federal.
This focus on localism is both pragmatic and necessary, but it does raise questions about how state-level efforts interact with national dynamics, particularly when federal policy may undercut or conflict with local initiatives.
- America’s 250th Anniversary Offers an Opportunity: 2026 will be the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence (known colloquially (maybe?!) as the Semiquincentennial). Bridgeland offered hope that such an event could provide a bipartisan opportunity to come together around some of these ambitious democracy goals. There is a risk that the Trump Administration will make the 250th anniversary more about its own goals and create divisions, but efforts like More Perfect’s could create a real opportunity.
Bridgeland noted that More Perfect is “launching a major campaign in connection with the 250th in a nonpartisan way that will focus on America's capabilities, not its brokenness, and get people to recognize that in a democracy, they have power and agency to…improve our union.”
In a period of so much tumult, uncertainty, and change, Bridgeland noted that there is an opportunity, and potentially a need, for a new “founding” for the country, and that the 250th offers a narrative to do so.
I’m grateful to Bridgeland for providing an ambitious plan and reflecting on the need for collaboration, a forward-looking strategy, and concrete goals. I’ll be curious how More Perfect and these goals advance over the next few years, especially during the 250th anniversary.
Scott Warren is a fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University. He is co-leading a trans-partisan effort to protect the basic parameters, rules, and institutions of the American republic. He is the co-founder of Generation Citizen, a national civics education organization.
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