Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Donald Trump’s legacy of retribution

Donald Trump

President-elect Donald Trump attends the UFC 309 event at Madison Square Garden in New York on Nov. 16.

Chris Unger/Zuffa LLC/Getty Images

Say what you will about Donald Trump. The man can hold a grudge.

So, too, apparently, do the neo-Nazis who marched on the Ohio state capital over the weekend. Freshly emboldened by Donald Trump’s re-election and competition with a rival white supremacist group in Ohio, they carried Nazi paraphernalia, shouted racist chants, and provoked a lot of criticism from local authorities.

And so it begins.


The thing is, many Americans nurse the racial grievances that Trump has expressed, though not as preternaturally and rabidly, perhaps, as the man who has given voice to their perceived loss of agency and entitlement.

Half of the electorate looked past Trump’s felony convictions, misogyny, uncloseted racism, open disdain for all manner of newcomers and cultural outsiders, and solidarity with people who already had more money than anyone could spend in a lifetime and saw an immediate return from their investment in his candidacy or feared he would come after them if they didn’t support him.

Appeals to better angels and more democratically inspired values missed their intended marks.

Calls for payback and cultural reckoning didn’t.

It remains to be seen how many people and institutions on the enemies list Trump has spent years assembling will be singled out for public censure, repudiation, and punishment along with the policies and programs they helped shape or were responsible for carrying out. Early indications are that the number is going to be large.

No matter how big the number is, the reckoning Trump will push during the first two years of his second administration is bound to be messy, mean, and costly. People’s lives will be damaged. Careers will be lost.

Americans who share Trump’s feelings will applaud his single-minded campaign to force his will on every part of the federal government and publicly demonstrate their resolve.

A great many of us may end up blanching at the bitter fruit Trump harvests with his campaign of retribution. But absolutely no one at that point will be able to feign surprise or blush at anything he tries to undo and everyone who is taken down along the way.

Trump and his most aggressive supporters don’t give two hoots about protecting our reputation as a people united by a constitution based on laws, only in protecting their rights and privileges. In recent years, they’ve done nothing but mock and ignore the time-honored but otherwise unenforceable norms and customs that Sir John Moulton declared more than a century ago keep us doing the right thing when no one is looking over our shoulder.

Expanding that domain for an ever larger and more diverse array of citizens is the central project and most important accomplishment of democracies. Everything Donald Trump and his White Nationalist allies say and do makes clear that their grandest desire and principal goal is to shrink that domain along with the number and variety of people who have the privilege of engaging with it.

That’s the bad news.

Here’s the good news.

Barring some unforeseen catastrophe that provides an excuse for him to distract us further and grab even more power – a war, plague, natural disaster, or meltdown in the global economic system come immediately to mind – he will exact less vengeance than he has in mind to deliver. His successful excesses will come back to haunt him.

These are not the faint hopes of a liberal elitist or academic scaredy cat. They are the words of someone who’s read and written about all the conservative ways people have learned to express their disconsent to know this much.

(Wait for it.)

The campaign to undo all the damage Trump and his supporters intend to do will inspire a more conservative backlash from the American public than they are capable of imagining.

No, you didn’t misread the last sentence.

Trump’s campaign of retribution will be thwarted and come undone by people and institutions whose caretakers will renew our commitment to each other not by adding more new rights and privileges but by restoring the duties and obligations of citizenship that all kinds of people had come to practice and think was part of their birthright. Whether they were born here or not.

Donald Trump’s illiberalism won’t work long enough or on enough of us to strip the whole of us of the democratically inspired habits, customs, and norms that took centuries of trial and error to practice and enshrine in our everyday lives. These values, trials, errors, and accomplishments are “baked” into our culture. They can’t be blowtorched out no matter how hard Donald Trump tries, and they will be successfully called upon in fierce legal and extra-legal challenges to every undemocratic move he makes over the next four years.

The great irony in all the legal challenges that are already in the works and all the extra-legal challenges that will come to the streets of American towns and cities, as I just suggested, is that they will be vastly more conservative in character than the man provoking them pretends to be.

The only conservative part of Donald Trump’s game is the serious attempt to limit the right to play to those of us who look more like him. Newcomers and outsiders aren’t supposed to be able to learn how to play or even allowed to try. The more liberal parts of the game – finding out how to bend, break, and ignore rules without being held accountable for bending, breaking, and ignoring them – are supposed to remain a mystery to such people. They are no mystery to Trump and his neo-Nazis and White Nationalist allies.

Compelling evidence of black Americans’ principled rejection of such subtleties was plain on January 6, 2021, when they stayed home and tens of thousands of white people attacked the Capitol and tried to subvert the peaceful transfer of the national government. The several thousand white people who were tried and punished for breaking into the Capitol and assaulting police officers trying to protect it are now looking forward to being pardoned by the man who incited them to riot.

Like it or not, we are about to be treated to a master class in discovering the limits of accountability by Americans who will work to restore the duties and obligations of citizenship. Whether already lost – such as women’s reproductive healthcare – or in imminent danger of being further eroded – like voting privileges and birthright citizenship – the use of unrest on behalf of conservative principles and practices is one of those cultural traditions that is too firmly entrenched to deny.

Large numbers of regular Americans – men, women, and children of every color people come in, some pushing wheelchairs and strollers – will confront Capitol rioters, White Nationalists, KKK members, and neo-Nazis who’ll leave their guns at home but won’t be able to resist intimidating and pushing around unarmed people.

We will know how far down the road to illiberalism Americans have slid by the answers to two questions.

Which side will be protected by the National Guardsmen and U.S. servicemen and women Trump sends out to maintain public order?

What party will be in control of the House of Representatives and Senate after the 2024 midterm elections?

Monti is a professor of sociology at Saint Louis University.


Read More

Audience members listen as U.S. President Donald Trump.

Audience members listen as U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at the Coosa Steel Corporation on February 19, 2026 in Rome, Georgia.

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Heil Trump!

Stop. I am not implying that Trump is the equivalent of Hitler. As I have said in two previous posts suggesting an analogy between Hitler and Trump, while Trump has an evil streak, he is not even close to being as evil as Hitler (see "The Hitler-Trump Analogy" and "Another Hitler-Trump Analogy"). However, Trump has characteristics, and his supporters have characteristics, in common with Hitler and his followers.

Trump is a megalomaniac; his self-aggrandizement knows no bounds. See my article, "Trump - Poster Child of a Megalomaniac." Trump clearly thinks of himself as a man who can do no wrong, the brightest person in the world, a king, a master of the universe. There are no rules that apply to him. As he said in a New York Times interview, "My own morality, my own mind. It's the only thing that can stop me."

Keep ReadingShow less
​Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche.

Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche testifies during a Senate Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies hearing in the Dirksen Senate Office Building on Capitol Hill on May 19, 2026 in Washington, D.C. The hearing was held to examine the Department of Justice's proposed FY2027 budget estimate.

Getty Images

GOP Waves White Flag in Contest of Ideas

There was a time the Republican Party believed in policies and principles. Conservatives genuinely believed in democracy and America, and not the cynical new version that requires its citizens to hate each other. And they believed in a contest of ideas.

The concept of competing for the soul of the nation with intellectually rigorous ideas and admittedly populist rhetoric became foundational to American politics and in particular movement conservatism later on in that century.

Keep ReadingShow less
U.S. President Donald Trump (L) speaks to White House Chief of Staff Susie Wile.

U.S. President Donald Trump (L) speaks to White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles as he oversees "Operation Epic Fury" at Mar-a-Lago on February 28, 2026, in Palm Beach, Florida.

Handout, Getty Images

Why Trump Has Gone Global

Why has Donald Trump transformed his foreign policy from isolationist to interventionist?

He doesn’t have some newfound curiosity in foreign affairs. Nor does he now deeply care about the global order. He’s shifted his focus for a different reason entirely: because his domestic agenda keeps getting stymied by checks and balances.

Keep ReadingShow less
Liquid Governance is Casting a Shadow on the American Presidency

President Donald Trump at the White House on Oct. 14, 2025, in Washington, D.C.

(Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images/TNS)

Liquid Governance is Casting a Shadow on the American Presidency

To understand the current state of the American executive, one must look past the daily headlines and toward a deeper, more structural transformation. We are witnessing a presidency that has moved beyond the traditional "team of rivals" or even the "team of loyalists." Instead, the second Trump administration has become an exercise in "liquid governance," where the formal structures of the state are being hollowed out in favor of a highly personalized, informal power center.

The numbers alone are staggering. So far, the revolving door of the Cabinet has claimed high-profile figures with a frequency that would destabilize a mid-sized corporation, let alone a global superpower. The removal of Attorney General Pam Bondi, the exit of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, and the recent resignation of Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer represent more than just standard political turnover. They signal a fundamental rejection of the idea that a Cabinet secretary is an institution's steward. In this White House, a Cabinet post is a temporary lease, subject to immediate termination if the occupant’s personal loyalty or public performance deviates even slightly from the president’s internal barometer.

Keep ReadingShow less