Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

The Political Non-Profit Sector Is Failing Us

Opinion

The Political Non-Profit Sector Is Failing Us
An oversized gavel surrounded by people.
Getty Images, J Studios

In 2020, I worked for Protect Democracy. We fought in court. We built coalitions. We moved resources. We strategized across party lines. And when it mattered most, we won.

TIME called the collective effort “the secret bipartisan campaign that saved the 2020 election.”


We didn’t achieve that with white papers or blog posts. We did it with action — with law, lobbying, and strategic communications — executed by a massive coalition led by people like Ian Bassin, Michael Podhorzer, and Norman Eisen. We went on offense, and we delivered.

Five years later, Donald Trump is back in power. The danger is worse, the stakes are higher, and yet the very organizations that were built to defend democracy have retreated to the safety of commentary. They churn out reports no one reads, write op-eds that continually restate the problem, and host webinars and conferences that only reach the already converted.

A recent example was the American Democracy Summit, where the panel on mass mobilizations failed to include anyone from 50501, Indivisible, or American Opposition. That’s a bit like having a panel on medicine without including doctors. And they couldn’t claim ignorance — we pointed it out before the event began.

Across the political non-profit sector, there’s been a wholesale retreat from risk. Groups that raised hundreds of millions promising to “defend democracy” are now more focused on defending their reputations, their 501(c)(3) statuses, and their donor relationships than on actually winning this fight.

The result? The legal campaign against authoritarianism has been left to smaller, scrappier outfits like Democracy Forward, which has stepped in to take on the lawsuits and challenges that others won’t touch. That’s not because Democracy Forward has more resources — it’s because they still have the will to win.

The rest of the sector has fallen into a dangerous cycle: Identify a problem, brand the problem, fundraise off the problem, and then… Represent the problem. Become the official “voice” of the problem. Attend conferences about the problem. But never — God forbid — actually solve the problem, because then the problem (and the funding it generates) would disappear.

This is the non-profit industrial complex at work: An ecosystem of organizations that rely on perpetual crises for their survival. They’ve learned that a crisis you manage is more lucrative than a crisis you end. And so the work becomes self-referential, endlessly “raising awareness” while our democracy dies.

We do not need more awareness. We are drowning in awareness. Everyone understands what’s happening.

We need execution. We need legal victories. We need legislative wins. We need organized pressure campaigns that make power pay a price for abuse.

When I look at the non-profit sector now, I see more career management than crisis management. I see strategists who can’t bring themselves to call Trump a fascist because they’re afraid it might alienate certain segments of their donor base.

These organizations love to say, “We’re playing the long game.” But the long game is meaningless if you lose the short one. There’s no long game under a consolidated autocracy. The people who will shutter your offices, revoke your tax exemptions, and criminalize your work are already in power — and you’re empowering them to end you.

In 2020, we didn’t have the luxury of overthinking the optics. We looked at the scoreboard, realized we were losing, and made bold, coordinated plays that shifted the outcome. We didn’t stop to write think pieces about the moral implications of using every tool available. We just used them.

That spirit is now almost entirely gone from the non-profit sector. In its place is a culture of risk-aversion disguised as prudence. The fear of doing the wrong thing has eclipsed the imperative to do the necessary thing.

While Republicans dismantle the rule of law in real time, the so-called defenders of democracy are trapped in endless “strategy sessions” and “war games” that never produce actual strikes.

If your organization can’t point to a concrete victory in the last six months, you’re not defending democracy. You’re holding its hand while it dies.

The American people deserve better. This moment demands organizations willing to spend every dollar, every ounce of political capital, and every shred of goodwill to stop authoritarianism in its tracks.

It demands legal warfare, mass mobilization, civil disobedience, and direct confrontation; People willing to lose their tax exemptions to deliver a result.

If you’re a leader in one of these organizations, you have a choice: You can continue to manage your brand while the country collapses, or you can risk your brand to try to save our democracy.

You can keep representing the problem, or you can actually try to solve it.

History will not remember you for the caution you showed in protecting your non-profit’s reputation. It will, however, remember whether you stood between this country and those attacking it or whether you allowed them to pass.

The time for opinion pieces and blog posts is over. May this be the last of those.

The time for action is now.

Carlos Álvarez-Aranyos is the founder of American Opposition, a non-connected political action committee established to counter the rise of fascism in the United States. The organization serves as a strategic communications and community engagement hub for the opposition movement. He oversaw strategic communications efforts for Protect Democracy in 2020 and was the co-founder and chief communications officer for The American Sunlight Project in 2024.


Read More

The exterior of a home.

While en route to surrender his Army of Northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant on April 9, 1865, General Robert E. Lee rode past Appomattox Courthouse in rural Virginia.

visionsofmaine / Getty Images

The Civil War Never Really Ended, But an American Union Could Finally Help America Truly Heal

In previous essays, I argued that the United States should seriously consider a new governing structure — an “American Union” — in which red and blue America peacefully separate into two sovereign nations while preserving a common military alliance, shared currency, and freedom of movement, with each new nation having its own constitution reflecting its own political consensus.

Simply put, the United States is too politically, culturally, and geographically divided to function effectively under the existing highly centralized, winner-take-all system in which every election determines how more than 330 million people must live.

Keep ReadingShow less
 Constitution of the United States

A look at America's growing crisis of trust, rising inequality, technology's impact, and how founding principles can help renew democracy.

Tetra Images / Getty Images

People Are Hurting: The U.S. Needs to Return to Our Founding Principles

There are many ways in which our country is currently struggling, both from a government perspective and from the people's perspective. There is no shortage of articles or studies detailing the ways in which the country and its leaders are failing us.

A recent article by Nicholas Kristof in The New York Times discussed the report of the State of the Nation Project—written by a bipartisan group of experts—that assessed the state of our country on 31 measures. Bottom line, it found that too many people do not feel good about their lives, about other people, or our institutions. This is a nationwide phenomenon; the worst performers may be red states in the South, but liberal states in the North and West have the same problems. And it's not a function of prosperous versus less-prosperous states.

Keep ReadingShow less
Democrats Don’t Get Why They’ve Lost Most Working Class Voters

Graham Platner, Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate, speaks at an event hosted by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders in Orono, Maine, on May 24, 2026.

Democrats Don’t Get Why They’ve Lost Most Working Class Voters

Since 2016, when Donald Trump shattered the Democrats’ blue wall by winning working-class voters across the Midwest, a cottage industry has sprung up on the left dedicated to answering a single question: How can Democrats win back the working class?

The answers come in different forms. Sometimes it is veteran Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders – barnstorming red districts, railing against oligarchy and corporate greed.

Keep ReadingShow less
​The Edmund Pettus Bridge, in Selma, Alabama, was the scene of violent clashes as Martin Luther King led a march from Selma to Montgomery.

Following the Supreme Court's Louisiana v. Callais ruling, MBA students explore Selma's civil rights history and the urgent lessons of democratic leadership.

Getty Images, Kirkikis

What We Owe Democracy

The day before we flew to Alabama to lead a civil rights and leadership trek with 30 MBA students, the Supreme Court issued its decision in Louisiana v. Callais, a case we were watching closely in light of our upcoming trip. Writing for the majority, Justice Alito substantially narrowed Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, ruling that states may draw congressional district lines on partisan grounds even when the practical effect, and many argue the intention, is to dilute Black voting power. Justice Kagan, in dissent, called it the completion of the majority’s “demolition” of the Act.

It was with this backdrop that our students stood with us on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama—the very place that birthed the Voting Rights Act, where the courageous actions of a small group of people helped, as Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. so famously put it, “bend the arc of the moral universe towards justice.”

Keep ReadingShow less