Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Best Holiday Books on Democracy and the Constitution

From founding ideals to modern challenges, these books offer historical insight and civic inspiration for today.

Opinion

A close up of a person reading a book in a bookstore.

Looking for meaningful holiday reads? New books by Jeffrey Rosen and Jill Lepore illuminate America’s founding ideals and the enduring power of the Constitution.

Getty Images, LAW Ho Ming

As we search for gift books to give this holiday season, our escapist summer reading lists may still appeal. But two new “serious” books offer positive, reflective relief.

Good history informs the present as well as describes the past, but great history also frames the future. That’s what Jeffrey Rosen and Jill Lepore accomplish in their respective gems, The Pursuit of Liberty and We The People. They animate our nation’s founding principles and the U.S. Constitution in ways that are encouraging and fascinating.


According to Rosen, president and CEO of the National Constitution Center, the often-conflicting ideas of two of our most prominent founders, Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, have been woven together in “productive tension” across the centuries. Jefferson emphasized individual liberty, expansive rights, and continual change, while Hamilton envisioned a commanding role for a stable, central government. “Whenever the threads have been pulled too far in one direction,” Rosen notes, “both sides tumble over, and the shooting begins.”

Consistent over time, however, has been political opportunism, as our leaders have made shifting choices about which Founder to cite. Jefferson’s views, for example, anchored the southern states’ defense of slavery and their right to secede from the union. His loftier aspirations gained renewed traction in the 20th century, when the idea of using Hamiltonian means to achieve Jeffersonian ends arose in the Progressive Era.

Both feared tyrannical despots: “[I]f Hamilton feared demagogues who would flatter the majority from below, Jefferson worried about demagogues who would thwart majority will from above.” Were they alive today, might they think their respective fears had come true at the same time?

In his conclusion, Rosen cites Hamilton’s agreement with John Adams “that the goal of a constitution is to temper politics with principle,” reflecting the importance of the document’s and democracy’s unwritten anchors. Harvard historian Lepore also highlights such roots in her revealing look at the U.S. Constitution and the people’s attempts to change it. She elevates the Constitution’s core “philosophy of amendment,” reflecting the Framers’ practical recognition that their efforts would be “imperfect” and that change—"endurance through adaption”—would be needed.

Lepore assesses the Constitution’s amendment provisions in Article V, which involve steps requiring supermajorities to propose and ratify amendments. In 1787, it was revolutionary and indeed experimental to plan for foundational governing change in any way. Lepore suggests the Framers ultimately failed, citing Article V’s inability to keep pace with the nation’s demographic, geographic, economic, and technological evolution. Such change, the only permanent thing in life, exacerbates our equally permanent differences.

Constitution-writing was also undertaken at the state level and by people left out of the original, national Constitution. The tribes of the Indian Territory, she recounts, produced some of the most expansive guarantees of rights in their 1905 Sequoyah Constitution, much of which was included in the new state of Oklahoma’s constitution in 1907.

As for the Electoral College, Lepore focuses on the closest we came to abandoning it. The House’s bipartisan vote to do so in 1969 was an overwhelming 339 – 70. A handful of southern Senators blocked the measure—with NAACP support, seemingly surprising today—and perhaps in part as payback to the Senate leader against the Electoral College, Birch Bayh, for his simultaneous leadership on a separate issue.

Lepore characterizes Article V as a “sleeping giant.” Whether you think it is actually dead or could stir again (count me among the latter), any understanding of our constitutional democracy’s future will benefit from the grounding Lepore provides, including her admonition to rely less on hope and more on determination and imagination to pursue paths forward.

Other books that can help us get through tough times are those describing solid historical cycles. National politics assuredly moves between action and reaction, and Samuel Huntington’s American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony from 1981 proved an eye-opener when I read it last year (thank you, Carlos Losada, for your re-review). He attributed dramatic change in America, such as during the Revolution, the Progressive Era, and the Civil Rights Era, to a common catalyst: the people’s sense that our underlying principles and beliefs were threatened or lost. When “the gap between ideal and reality was most obvious,” our “creedal passions” would rise to produce more consequential and organized change. Huntington enlightened my understanding of political cycles (as did Robert Putnam’s The Upswing, which I recommended to Fulcrum readers two years ago), and predicted that we would next experience such upheaval this decade; if not spot on, he was awfully close.

These books are gifts that will offer perspective if not comfort. May you and yours find meaningful ways to be thankful, to celebrate, and to help each other reach the next season.


Rick LaRue writes about constitutional electoral structure and amendments at Structure Matters.


Read More

Trump’s Anti-Latino Racism is a Major Liability for Democracy

Close-up of sign reading 'Immigrants Make America Great' at a Baltimore rally.

Trump’s Anti-Latino Racism is a Major Liability for Democracy

Donald Trump’s second administration has fully clarified Latinos’ racial position in America: our ethnic group’s labor, culture, and aspirations are too much for his supporters to stomach. The Latino presence in America triggers too many uneasy questions (are they White?), too many doubts (are they really American?), and too much resentment (why are they doing better than me?).

Trump’s targeted deportations of undocumented Latinos, unwarranted arrests of Latino citizens, and heightened ICE presence in Latino neighborhoods address these worries by lumping Latinos with Black people. Simply put, we have become yet another visible population that America socially stigmatizes, economically exploits, and politically terrorizes because aggrieved White adults want to preserve their rank as our nation’s premier racial group. The cumulative impacts are serious: just yesterday, an international panel of investigators on human rights and racism, backed by the U.N., found that such actions have resulted in “grave human rights violations.”

Keep ReadingShow less
People waving US flags

People waving US flags

LeoPatrizi/Getty Images

Democracy Fellowship Spotlight: Joel Gurin on Trustworthy Data

Earlier this year, the Bridge Alliance and the National Academy of Public Administration launched the Fellows for Democracy and Public Service Initiative to strengthen the country's civic foundations. This fellowship unites the Academy’s distinguished experts with the Bridge Alliance’s cross‑sector ecosystem to elevate distributed leadership throughout the democracy reform landscape. Instead of relying on traditional, top‑down models, the program builds leadership ecosystems: spaces where people share expertise, prioritize collaboration, and use public‑facing storytelling to renew trust in democratic institutions. Each fellow grounds their work in one of six core sectors essential to a thriving democratic republic.

Recently, I interviewed Joel Gurin, who founded and now leads the Center for Open Data Enterprise (CODE) and wrote Open Data Now. Before launching CODE in 2015, he chaired the White House Task Force on Smart Disclosure, which studied how open government data can improve consumer markets. He also led as Chief of the Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau at the Federal Communications Commission and spent over a decade at Consumer Reports.

Keep ReadingShow less
A balance.

A retired New York judge criticizes President Trump’s actions on tariffs, judicial defiance, alleged corruption, and executive overreach, warning of threats to constitutional order and the rule of law in the United States.

Getty Images

A Pay‑to‑Play Presidency Testing the Limits of Our Institutions

Another day, another outrage, and another attack on the Constitution that this President has twice taken a vow to uphold. Instead of accepting the Supreme Court decision striking down his imposition of tariffs, the President is now imposing them by executive order and excoriating the Justices who ruled against him. His disrespect for the Constitution and the judiciary is boundless.

To this retired New York State judge, all hell seems to have broken loose in our federal government. Congress lies dormant when it is not enabling the chief executive’s misuse and personal acquisition of federal funds, and, notwithstanding its recent tariffs ruling, a majority of the Supreme Court generally rubber-stamps the administration’s actions through opaque “shadow docket” rulings. In doing so, SCOTUS abdicates its role as an independent check.

Keep ReadingShow less
Bravado Isn’t a Strategy: Why the Iran War Has No Endgame

People clear rubble in a house in the Beryanak District after it was damaged by missile attacks two days before, on March 15, 2026 in Tehran, Iran. The United States and Israel continued their joint attack on Iran that began on February 28. Iran retaliated by firing waves of missiles and drones at Israel, and targeting U.S. allies in the region.

Getty Images, Majid Saeedi

Bravado Isn’t a Strategy: Why the Iran War Has No Endgame

Most of what we have heard from the administration as it pertains to the Iran War is swagger and bro-talk. A few days into the war, the White House released a social media video that combined footage of the bombardment with clips from video games. Not long after, it released a second video, titled “Justice the American Way,” that mixed images of the U.S. military with scenes from movies like Gladiator and Top Gun Maverick.

Speaking to reporters at the Pentagon, War Secretary Pete Hegseth boasted of “death and destruction from the sky all day long.” “They are toast, and they know it,” he said. “This was never meant to be a fair fight... we are punching them while they’re down.”

Keep ReadingShow less