Remember when loyalty oaths were used to ferret out and punish people suspected of being Communists? They were a potent and terrifying tool, designed to produce conformity and compliance at the height of the late 1940s, early 1950s Red Scare.
Today, they are back, but in more subtle, if no less coercive, forms. The Trump Administration is using them in hiring and retaining federal employees, in dispensing federal grants, and in passing out perks.
Earlier this month, Politico reported that “More than a dozen high-ranking officials across the administration have been forced to leave their jobs or had their nominations or promotions derailed in the first six months of Trump’s return to Washington. Nearly all of the ousters have come after individuals were targeted by outside allies who convinced the president that they weren’t sufficiently loyal.”
Conservative activist and Trump whisperer Laura Loomer has encouraged people throughout the federal government to report on others who seem insufficiently loyal to the president and his agenda. She says that she is “happy to take people’s tips about disloyal appointees, disloyal staffers and Biden holdovers…And I guess you could say that my tip line has come to serve as a form of therapy for Trump administration officials who want to expose their colleagues who should not be in the positions that they’re in.”
ABC News offers the following example of one of the ways Loomer works. “In mid-July,” it says “far-right activist Laura Loomer fired off a lengthy post on X targeting a senior Customs and Border Protection official (Monte Hawkins), accusing him of having ‘Anti-Trump, pro-Open Borders, and Pro-DEI Bias,’ and demanding his removal from the federal government.”
“Less than 48 hours later,” ABC notes, “after also sending an appeal directly to the Department of Homeland Security, Loomer says an official personally contacted her, thanked her for amplifying the information, and later informed her that Hawkins had been removed.”
Loyalty tests, secret informants, anonymous tips, welcome to the world that the Trump Administration has brought back to life. In this world, fear replaces freedom, whether it is in school, workplaces, or political organizations.
Last May, the federal government’s Office of Personnel Management (OPM) provided a vivid example of the administration’s approach to loyalty tests. It mandated that “all [f]ederal job vacancy announcements graded at GS-05 or above will include four short, free-response essay questions,” including one that asked: “How would you help advance the President’s Executive Orders and policy priorities in this role? Identify one or two relevant policy Executive Orders or policy initiatives that are significant to you, and explain how you would help implement them if hired.”
“Applicants,” OPM said, “will be required to certify that they are using their own words, and did not use a consultant or AI (such as a large language model [LLM]). To reduce the burden on candidates, the responses cannot exceed 200 words per question.”
Asking people to show their loyalty to the president’s executive orders, as Jacque Simon, public policy director for the American Federation of Government Employees, noted at the time the OPM issued its directive is “a glaring violation of merit principles and seems practically Maoist…Glorification of a political leader cannot be a prerequisite for obtaining a federal job. Even at its most benign, requiring candidates to muse positively about Donald Trump’s EOs and policies is contrary to everything the apolitical civil service stands for.”
In late June, OPM retreated a little. It issued new guidance about the use of the four questions, including the one about the president’s executive orders.
OPM told federal agencies that they should continue to ask them as part of the hiring process, but they should include the following disclaimer: “The following four narrative questions provide an opportunity for you to highlight your dedication to public service for the hiring manager and agency leadership (or designee(s)). While your responses are not required and will not be scored, we encourage you to thoughtfully address each question.”
As the expression goes, “A rose by any other name is still a rose.” Anyone wanting a job in the administration will surely take advantage of that “opportunity”
And if that were not enough to signal the revival of loyalty tests, since January 20, many recipients of federal grants have been notified that their grants were being terminated in order to allow government agencies to repurpose their funding allocations to advance the President’s agenda. For example, National Endowment of the Arts grantees were told, "The NEA is updating its grantmaking policy priorities to focus funding on projects that reflect the nation's rich artistic heritage and creativity as prioritized by the President. Consequently, we are terminating awards that fall outside these new priorities."
Now it’s true that the administration has not rolled out loyalty oaths for federal employees, grant recipients, or ordinary citizens. Not yet.
But ss law professors Erwin Chemerinsky and Catherine Fisk point out, “No modern presidential administration has undertaken such an effort to staff the entire government with political loyalists. It is plainly inconsistent with good government, with federal law, and with the Constitution.”
And it is clear that in the world the president is creating, implicit loyalty oaths are very much the order of the day. As I noted at the start, we’ve seen this act before.
In 1947, President Harry Truman issued an Executive Order entitled “PRESCRIBING PROCEDURES FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF AN EMPLOYEES LOYALTY PROGRAM IN THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH OF THE GOVERNMENT.” That order asserted that it “is of vital importance that persons employed in the Federal service be of complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States” and that “the presence within the Government service of any disloyal or subversive person constitutes a threat to our democratic processes….”
Like a Laura Loomer looking for tips, Truman’s program was justified as necessary to afford “maximum protection….(to) the United States against infiltration of disloyal persons into the ranks of its employees.” To accomplish that goal, it required “a loyalty investigation of every person entering the civilian employment of any department or agency of the executive branch of the Federal Government.”
The Executive Order made clear that an applicant would be disqualified for “Membership in, affiliation with or sympathetic association with any foreign or domestic organization, association, movement, group or combination of persons, designated by the Attorney General as totalitarian, fascist, communist, or subversive….”
As pernicious as Truman’s loyalty test was, at least it focused on loyalty to the Constitution, not the president or his policy agenda. In the Trump era, that seems almost quaint.
At the time Truman launched his loyalty test program, Congressman Chester E. Holifield said, “It is only police states that desire the growth of fear in the hearts of their abject subjects. If we continue these practices, people will fear that their jobs will be jeopardized, or that their security will be threatened, or that they will be publicly attacked….”
“They will be afraid,” Holifield continued, “to express or to listen to any ideas, whether radical or conservative. These are the things, therefore, that we must guard against.” One of them is loyalty tests, which Holifield said “destroy democracy.”
What the congressman said almost eighty years ago is as relevant and important today as it has ever been.
In a true democracy, loyalty cannot be coerced or commanded. "Loyalty must,” as former Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black explained, “arise spontaneously from the hearts of people who love their country and respect their government."
Austin Sarat is the William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.