Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Donald Trump isn’t joking about a third term

Opinion

Donald Trump isn’t joking about a third term

U.S. President Donald Trump alights from Air Force One upon arrival at Haneda Airport in Tokyo on Oct. 27, 2025.

(Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images/TCA)

Believe him.

Almost a year ago to the day, The New York Times ran a special editorial just before Donald Trump would win the presidency again.


They used a full page to print out in giant, boldface, all-caps the following missive:

“Donald Trump says he will prosecute his enemies, order mass deportations, use soldiers against citizens, abandon allies, and play politics with disasters. Believe him.”

It was good advice, as we know a lot of what he was promising to do has already happened.

We saw much of it outlined in Project 2025, a blueprint published by the conservative Heritage Foundation, to reshape the federal government and consolidate executive power around Trump.

Despite denying any involvement in the project, Trump has seemingly used it as a literal roadmap to help avoid the parts of his first administration where he was thwarted by pesky inconveniences like the Constitution, the law, and separation of powers.

A community-driven Project 2025 tracker found that of the 319 objectives outlined in the initiative, Trump’s already made good on 121, including using government contracts to “push back against woke policies” in corporate America, rescinding Biden-era Title IX rules that strengthened the ability to prosecute sexual assault and discrimination cases, and turning back former Attorney General Merrick Garland’s policy that limited DOJ’s ability to subpoena journalists during leak investigations, to name just a few.

But he also blatantly told Americans what he was going to do at his rallies. These weren’t empty threats. They weren’t trial balloons so he could poll-test their popularity. They were promises.

One in particular seems to be motivating many of his decisions: “I will be your retribution.”

Just five days after the Times editorial was published, Trump sued CBS News for its interview of former Vice President Kamala Harris. A month after he won reelection he sued the Des Moines Register over a poll he didn’t like.

He’s already prosecuted former FBI Director James Comey, New York Attorney General Letitia James, and former National Security Advisor John Bolton. He’s actively investigating other critics, including Sen. Adam Schiff, former Special Counsel Jack Smith, and former DHS official Miles Taylor.

And as we’ve all seen, he’s ordered mass deportations. He’s used soldiers against U.S. citizens. He’s abandoned allies. He’s played politics with disasters.

And yet, there are still apparently people who think he’s bluffing when he says he’d run for a third term.

Trump’s been teasing the idea for months. He makes it sound a little like he’s joking, but we’ve seen this movie before. He “joked” about not leaving the White House in 2020, too — and we all know what happened on Jan. 6. It’s always just a joke, until it isn’t.

Speaker Mike Johnson, ever Trump’s loyal lackey, has laughed it off as mere “trolling,” and has said he’s talked to the president about the constitutional constrictions of such a move — as if that’s ever been a compelling consideration for Trump.

Former Ohio governor and former presidential candidate John Kasich also brushed it off on MSNBC:

“No! Listen, have we had any states try to move to call a convention to change the amendment? Have we had any Republican governors do that? They’re not even going to answer a question like that because it’s not going to happen.”

Oh, the hubris. Trump has broken every norm, and he’s already violated the Constitution dozens of times. Anyone who believes Trump lives within existing boundaries, either of legality or decency, hasn’t been paying attention.

And counter to Kasich’s beliefs, Trump’s already got accomplices in both chambers of Congress willing to help him.

Rep. Randy Fine called for repealing the 22nd Amendment, which limits presidential terms to two, earlier this month.

Sen. Tommy Tuberville says it’s Trump’s call to make:

“If you read the Constitution, it says it’s not [possible],” said Tuberville. “But if [Trump] says he has some different circumstances that might be able to go around the Constitution, but that’s up to him.”

This isn’t a troll or a joke. Just listen to Steve Bannon, the architect of Trump’s first campaign:

“Well, he’s going to get a third term. So, Trump ’28. Trump is going to be president in ’28 and people ought to just get accommodated with that. There’s many different alternatives. At the appropriate time, we’ll lay out what the plan is.”

They have a plan. They’ll lay it out. This isn’t childish wishcasting or manifesting.

Bannon and Trump are designing it. They’re planning it. I’d bet they’re talking to lawyers and constitutional experts, and to the people they will need to help them do it at every level of government.

If we’ve learned one thing about Trump in all these years, it’s that we should believe him.

S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.


Read More

An Iranian flag and the message "No King" graffitied on the ruins of the data center building of Sharif University of Technology after a U.S.-Israeli missile strike on April 7, 2026 in Tehran, Iran.

How has the meaning of military victory changed? Explore Iran, deterrence, nuclear weapons, and why modern wars are fought with limited objectives.

Kaveh Kazemi/Getty Images

The Last War We Understood

Every modern conflict seems to produce the same debate.

Supporters argue that military action achieved its objectives. Critics ask why the enemy still exists. Iran is only the latest example.

Keep ReadingShow less
United States Capitol building and blurred American flag against blue sky

America’s aging Congress has no maximum age limit. Could a constitutional amendment create age limits for lawmakers and better represent younger voters?

TGI /Tetra Images

Congress Has an Age Floor and No Ceiling. That's Backwards for Gen Z.

Senator Dianne Feinstein's visible decline in her final years in office. Senator Lindsey Graham's sudden death. Senator Mitch McConnell's own recent hospitalization, and his halting explanation of it afterward. Three senators, three separate incidents, no obvious connection between them, except that the saga of these three senators is really one story about the problem of not knowing when to step down. That framing asks the right question of individual leaders. But it assumes the problem is a matter of personal judgment, each senator, in his or her own time, finding the wisdom to recognize the moment has passed. I think that gets the American version of this problem backwards. Congress's age problem is not a string of individual judgment calls. It is a structural feature of the Constitution itself, and it is quietly reshaping who gets represented in American government.

The Constitution sets a floor for federal office and no ceiling. A representative must be at least twenty-five. A senator must be at least thirty. A president must be at least thirty-five. Nothing in the document says how old is too old. Combine that asymmetry with the enormous advantages of incumbency, better name recognition, fundraising networks, committee seniority, and the result is predictable: a Congress that can start young but can never age out. It can only age up. The 119th Congress is now the third oldest in American history, with an average member age of nearly fifty-nine and a Senate averaging in the mid-sixties. This is not a temporary blip. It is the natural output of a system with a gate on one end and no gate on the other.

Keep ReadingShow less
The Enduring Illusion of Article the first
a large white building with a flag on top of it

The Enduring Illusion of Article the first

This is the third and final installment of our series on “Article the first.” Previous parts examined the history of the single inverted word that turned an intended floor into a ceiling and its impact on the amendment’s failed ratification. This concluding part outlines the path forward for enlarging the House today.

Part 3 — The Path Forward

Keep ReadingShow less
The Enduring Illusion of Article the first

Painting from 1856 by Junius Brutus Stearns of George Washington at the Constitutional Convention of 1787.

The Enduring Illusion of Article the first

This is the second of a three-part series on the First Amendment proposed by Congress in 1789—often called “Article the first”—which was never ratified. Part 1 explained how a single inverted word in the text created a mathematical absurdity that has been misread for 237 years. This second part explores the untold history of how that defect affected the original ratification process in state legislatures.

Part 2 — The Untold History

Keep ReadingShow less