Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Is The War on Iran Unlawful And Unfair To U.S. Troops?

Opinion

Is The War on Iran Unlawful And Unfair To U.S. Troops?

A large plume of smoke rises over Tehran after explosions were reported in the city during the night on March 07, 2026 in Tehran, Iran.

(Photo by Contributor/Getty Images)

In what is being called “Trump’s War,” the United States has increased attacks against Iran recently, after the initial attack killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the nation’s Supreme Leader.

Congress did not approve the action, nor was informed of it—as is the law. Later, both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected a bid to rein in actions pertaining to the Iran war.


Following retaliation from Iran against the U.S. and its ally Israel in the region, which led to the deaths of six U.S. troops, the question of legality and ethical process looms over the Department of Defense and the world.

Under the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ), disobeying lawful orders could result in various punishments, including court-martial, confinement, and dishonorable discharge.

Even if the war is later considered illegal, this does not necessarily protect servicemembers from punishment for disobeying otherwise lawful orders. For example, during the Vietnam and Iraq War military courts rejected claims that the war’s legality justified disobeying orders.

Military courts routinely held that whether a war is legal is a decision for politicians, not rank-and-file servicemembers.

This brings up the question of whether U.S. service members can refuse to engage in what may be seen as unlawful orders, a concern that goes back more than three months to the FBI’s investigation of Democratic Congressmen Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ) and Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), who reminded leaders of the legal option to refuse.

The now-abandoned FBI’s investigation was an attempt by the Trump administration to tighten its hold on how servicemembers perceive President Trump’s commands. Whether framed as oversight or discipline, these actions risk chilling lawful dissent and eroding a core American principle: obedience to the Constitution, not to any one individual.

The question facing the country now is whether or not the war is legal. This is the most severe action so far in a year of this administration’s military moves that are unethical and inhumane.

This comes months after Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth summoned hundreds of military leaders to Quantico when it immediately became clear that he planned to reimagine the military in his own image – cis, white, and male.

The purging of trans people, black men, and women from the armed services has been maliciously methodical. From enlisted servicemembers to officers, diversity of thought and person are not safe. The message being sent to the ranks is unmistakable: conformity is loyalty and difference is suspect.

The administration has been primarily focused on eliminating all diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts as it relates to gender and race.

The pattern is difficult to ignore. During Trump’s first month in office, he issued an executive order claiming that transgender people lacked the “humility and selflessness required of a servicemember.”

He dismissed Gen Charles Brown, the first African American to lead a branch of the United States Armed Forces, as Joint Chiefs of Staff. He also removed Admiral Linda Fagan, the Coast Guard Commandant as the first woman to lead a branch of the U.S. military.

Beyond individual firings, the administration eliminated the Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services—a body designed to study and address systemic challenges facing women in uniform. Each action, taken individually, could be framed as a routine leadership change or restructuring. Taken together, however, they signal a shift towards a narrower conception of military leadership and service.

The consequences of exclusionary policies are tangible. Reports that Black male servicemembers are being pushed out of service under stricter grooming standards due to pseudofolliculitis barbae are rising.

Historically, the military adopted accommodations recognizing that such conditions are legitimate health issues, not grooming failures. Abruptly enforcing policies that disproportionately impact specific racial groups risks undermining morale.

The broader implications extend beyond the military itself. Civil-military relations in the United States depend on the military remaining professional, nonpartisan, and reflective of the population they defend. Moreover, recruitment challenges may deepen if potential service members believe that their identity or viewpoint makes them unwelcome.

The United States faces a critical choice about the future of its military. Especially now when war has been initiated and U.S. troops have been killed—the first deaths in Trump’s second administration.

Will the U.S. play by the Constitution and the ethics of the founding of this country?

Yes, the administration can embrace a force that reflects the nation's complexity and diversity, or it can pursue a narrow vision that prizes uniformity of identity and thought over the strategic advantages that diversity provides.

The launching of a war sidestepping legal process, the earlier firings of senior leaders, and the implementation of policies that disproportionately impact Black service members all point towards the latter. The nation deserves better, and so do the servicemembers who have sworn to defend it.

Especially now that the U.S. is escalating this war.

Yulanda Curtis is the founder of a Veterans Legal Clinic at the University of Illinois, which provides free legal assistance to veterans and their family members. She is a Public Voices Fellow through The OpEd Project.


Read More

Are State Courts More Protective of Transgender People than Federal Courts?

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Tuesday that state laws prohibiting trans women and girls from participating on female sports teams do not violate the Equal Protection Clause — the seventh Supreme Court ruling curbing the rights of trans people in just the past 14 months. Since May 2025, the Supreme Court has allowed the Trump administration to ban trans people from serving in the military, upheld a Tennessee law banning gender-affirming care for trans minors, given anti-LGBTQ+ parents a veto over LGBTQ+-inclusive content in their children’s classrooms, endorsed Trump’s policy requiring trans people to list their sex assigned at birth on their passports, reinstated an injunction against policies barring schools from outing trans students to their parents against students’ wishes, and determined that Colorado’s ban on anti-LGBTQ+ conversion therapy must be subjected to strict scrutiny, a form of judicial review that almost no law survives.

However, there may be some cause for optimism. In an article published in The Virginia Journal of Social Policy & the Law, I conducted a comprehensive survey of state court cases that impacted the rights and lives of trans people between 2022 and 2024. The survey showed state courts have an essential role to play in protecting trans people in an increasingly hostile political environment. Amongst some ominous signs for trans rights, there were important signals of hope in the survey.

Keep ReadingShow less
A gavel.

The rule of law, American democracy, constitutional rights, and judicial independence.

Getty Images, David Talukdar

In Texas, People Don’t Kill People, Guns Kill People

It has been said that a good prosecutor can get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich. Apparently, that’s not the case in very red Collin County, Texas, where a self-described recovering alcoholic fatally shot his daughter in the chest, only to be let off the hook by a sympathetic grand jury. As a retired justice of the New York State Supreme Court, the case intrigued me and I tried to understand why the prosecutor, upon failing to obtain an indictment, did not try again.

In January 2025, the victim and her boyfriend traveled from England to visit her father at his home in Collin County where the shooting occurred. Although evidence presented to a grand jury cannot be disclosed, it is reasonably assumed that the grand jury was provided with the statement made by the father to the police at the scene immediately following the shooting. In that statement, the father related how he had taken his daughter, at her request, to see his gun, and that when he brought her to his bedroom and removed the gun from a cabinet in which he kept it, “it went off.” He could not recall if his finger had been on the trigger.

Keep ReadingShow less
Citizens in Name Only: What the Supreme Court Can’t Fix
beige concrete building under blue sky during daytime

Citizens in Name Only: What the Supreme Court Can’t Fix

This month, the Supreme Court will rule on Trump v. Barbara, the case that could upend birthright citizenship as we have known it for over a century.

But the current debate over birthright citizenship overlooks the fact that legal citizenship — by birthright or naturalization — has never fully protected marginalized Americans. People of color, women, LGBTQ, and lower-income Americans have long been CINOs: Citizens in Name Only. Throughout our 250-year history, they have lacked full social citizenship - access to social/welfare entitlements, political citizenship – access to voting rights, and cultural citizenship – recognition as members of the American family. So, while a court ruling can determine who gets a U.S. birth certificate, it cannot guarantee societal inclusion.

Keep ReadingShow less
How State Courts Can Help Deflect the Supreme Court’s Latest Blow to Multiracial Democracy

Black and white illustration of voters

State Court Report

How State Courts Can Help Deflect the Supreme Court’s Latest Blow to Multiracial Democracy

With its April ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, the Supreme Court delivered yet another blow to the Voting Rights Act, specifically Section 2, which governs race in redistricting. The decision was sad and utterly predictable, but still nothing short of astonishing. Justice Samuel Alito wrote for the Court’s conservative supermajority, stealthily setting aside 40 years of legal precedent under Section 2 largely on the belief that racism is a thing of the past and extreme partisan gerrymandering is, in effect, a fundamental right of state lawmakers. Callais had a tortured path to the Court, a feature of the case that has undoubtedly been eclipsed by the lawless nature of the ruling itself, all of which reveals that the Supreme Court represents the gravest threat to multiracial democracy in the United States. (I argued as much in a law review article, predicting the outcome and analyzing the ways a Court gone rogue might get to that ruling.)

What’s more? In recent years, the Court has played fast and loose with a “principle” purportedly meant to limit chaos around elections, known as Purcell. But instead of limiting chaos, the Court’s Purcell jurisprudence will hasten and aggrandize the already-problematic impact of the Callais ruling. As the nation’s redistricting wars inevitably continue — in this election season, the 2028 presidential campaign, and even the next decade — state courts can help stave off democratic erosion by resisting the urge to invoke Purcell.

Keep ReadingShow less