I used to think the answer was obvious; it was self-evident. But it's not, at least not in today's political context. MAGA Republicans and Democrats have a very different take on the meaning of this phrase in the Declaration.
I said in my book, We Still Hold These Truths: An America Manifesto, that it is in the interpretation of our founding documents that both the liberal and conservative ideologies that have run throughout our history can be found. This is a perfect example.
Have you ever wondered how a simple phrase like "all men are created equal" can be interpreted so differently? What it frequently comes down to is the political perspective a person has, which in turn influences what they bring to the interpretation.
Interpretation often involves going outside the documents themselves. Conservatives look at the fact that equality certainly wasn't present when the country was founded; the Founders even incorporated slavery into the Constitution with the "3/5 compromise." They thus take the meaning of "all men are equal" to be transactional, to be that the colonists were equal with the British and with King George III, and therefore deserved to be treated in a certain way. When they weren't, it was grounds for revolt and declaring independence. That was the essence after all of the document.
Liberals, on the other hand, look first to the unmitigated words of the Declaration, "that all men are created equal"—"all" means all, there is no equivocation—and second to the fact that Adams, Jefferson, and the other men we think of as the Founders were all men of the Enlightenment. Meaning that the words were to be taken literally, even if as an aspiration rather than pragmatically.
But the search for the correct interpretation does not stop there. Things get more complicated when you go to another source favored by the Heritage Foundation. In a now-famous letter from John Adams to his son Charles, Adams discusses the issue of equality and rights at some length. He begins by saying that,
"As the genuine Equality of human Nature is the true Principle of all our Rights and Duties to one another, it is of great Importance to ascertain what it does mean, and what it does not mean." He goes on to say, "It really means little more than that We are all of the same Species: made by the same God: possessed of Minds and Bodies alike in Essence: having all the same Reason, Passions, Affections and Appetites."
So far, that sounds supportive of the Democrats' position that "all" means all. But then Adams goes on to say that the equality of nature is only a moral equality—"an equality of rights and obligations." By contrast, he notes that physical inequalities in nature are infinite, giving rise to inequalities of wealth and power, and that government has "neither the power nor the right to change them." Inequality is inescapable. What sense are we to make of this language? It sounds like he just gutted the meaning of "all are equal;" one up for the MAGA Republicans.
The context of the letter, however, makes it clear that this was not Adams' intent. He says one has a right to be deaf, to be weak or sickly, which means that government cannot attack you for that; likewise, whether you are poor or rich, government cannot attack you for that. You have that right. The government cannot force you to be other than who you are. The government must respect the infinite physical inequalities of nature.
We usually do not talk about such "rights." To make sense of this, one has to remember that in those days, there were status crimes: to be poor or a debtor was a crime. For revolutionaries, to be rich was a crime.
But while physical inequalities—to be who you are—are a right the government cannot tamper with, Adams makes clear that all people have the moral right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, which means that people have the right to make the most of themselves that they can. Government has the role of assisting in that endeavor, to "secure" that right. He says that society may establish inequalities in many things, "except of Rights."
Conservatives have used Adam's statements not just to indicate the innate physical [material] inequality of man, but claim that government has no power or right to change that aspect of nature. Yes and no. While Adams clearly stated, as noted above, that the government has no power or right to alter people's unequal status, individuals have the moral right to change themselves. That government is there, as stated in the Declaration, to help them secure that right. This is a distinction with a very real difference.
The answer to the question raised by the title of this article is therefore that "all men are created equal" and "they are endowed with inalienable rights" such as the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness means indeed that all mankind—meaning all men and women—have these rights. This statement may be aspirational, but that does not lessen its power, and, indeed, it has been the light that has guided the development of America for the last 250 years.
If MAGA adherents want to say that the phrase "all men are created equal" in the Declaration is just transactional, they can point to language that seems to support their view. But when you look at the entire letter, at Adams's insistence on everyone's moral right to equality, that interpretation fails. It is deceitful.
Ronald L. Hirsch is a teacher, legal aid lawyer, survey researcher, nonprofit executive, consultant, composer, author, and volunteer. He is a graduate of Brown University and the University of Chicago Law School and the author of We Still Hold These Truths. Read more of his writing at www.PreservingAmericanValues.com




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.