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‘There are very few democracies that are as polarized as we are today’: A conversation with Jennifer McCoy
Nov 19, 2024
How worried should we be about the state of democracy in the United States?
According to Jennifer McCoy, a professor of political science at Georgia State University and a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace who has been studying democracy, both in the United States and in other countries for more than three decades, there is ample reason for concern.
McCoy believes that a form of “pernicious polarization” is crippling Washington, eroding the ability of our leaders to engage in the normal work of politics, including legislative compromise. Even more worrying, this polarization is seeping into the groundwater of our culture, pushing Americans into two increasingly hostile political camps.
According to McCoy, “Pernicious polarization involves a perception of threat and a zero-sum mentality, which leads people to cut off communication with those on the other side. This kind of division complicates governance, reduces the capacity for compromise, and fosters deep social and political rifts.”
While the situation in the U.S. is dire, it is not unprecedented. McCoy’s research draws on her international experience, which includes nearly two decades on the staff of The Carter Center, to look for possible solutions to America’s democratic backsliding.
I recently spoke with McCoy about how the American political system encourages polarization, the way that elite political rhetoric influences the behavior of the general public and whether both parties are equally to blame for our current predicament.
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This transcript of our conversation, which took place before the Nov. 5 election, has been edited for length and clarity.
Greg Berman: When people talk about polarization, they are often referring to different things. You use the term “pernicious polarization.” What does that mean to you?
Jennifer McCoy: It is taking a systemic, national-level view of polarization rather than looking at individual attitudes, as many studies of polarization do. Along with my co-author, Murat Somer, I developed this concept to refer to a process that divides an electorate into two mutually distrustful camps. It can be thought of as us-versus-them polarization. It occurs when politics is reduced to a single dividing line around some kind of identity. It happens when two camps have broken their cross-cutting ties so that they no longer communicate across this dividing line.
GB: How can we tell when we tip over from normal political polarization into something that feels malignant?
JM: A system tips into pernicious polarization when rival camps begin to distrust each other to the point that they see each other as an existential threat to their way of life or to the nation. It is at this point that we see that both politicians and voters are willing to sacrifice elements of democracy because they feel so threatened by the other side that they're willing to take extraordinary steps to keep the other side out of power.
GB: What you've just described certainly maps the divide between hard-core Democrats and hard-core Republicans right now. But my sense is that there are a lot of people who don’t fit neatly into those categories, who are not engaged in the kind of toxic polarization that you are identifying.
JM: We certainly have to recognize that Americans are not divided on specific issues or ideologies to the point that we sometimes think they are. It's political leaders who are most divided on issues and on ideological measures. We also have to recognize that there's a large group of people, probably 40 percent of the population, who do not identify with either political party and don't have a clear partisan identity. There's also a large portion of Americans who simply want to withdraw from politics because they see it as nasty, and they just want all of the fighting to stop. In the United States, we have a political system with two parties. This binary choice really contributes to partisan polarization.
GB: What is the relationship, if any, between pernicious polarization and political violence?
JM: First of all, like polarization, political violence has different definitions. If we take a broad definition, it's violence that is either directed at political targets or is motivated by a political agenda. The link between polarization and political violence is not entirely clear, but there are aspects of polarization that do contribute to political violence.
The rhetoric of pernicious polarization is dehumanizing. It’s about discrediting opponents and saying they're traitors to the country, that they're disloyal. The comedian who spoke at Donald Trump's rally at Madison Square Garden referred to Puerto Rico as a garbage dump. That's essentially dehumanizing Puerto Ricans, saying they're trash. We know from wartime training that soldiers are trained with dehumanizing techniques so that it makes it easier for them to kill. So dehumanizing political rhetoric contributes to the possibility of political violence.
Another thing that potentially contributes to political violence is creating distrust in political institutions. When politicians foment distrust in our institutions, whether it be the election system or the courts or the media, people start to believe that there's nobody to solve problems or to ensure security. Or sometimes they just don't know who to believe. This sense of distrust also affects the way we think about each other. As we lose interpersonal trust, and pernicious polarization and stereotyping take hold, that may lead people to be more willing to tolerate political violence.
GB: You have done some online experiments looking into the impact of different kinds of political rhetoric. Walk me through what you have found.
JM: We know that political rhetoric that appeals to anger and resentment can trigger polarization. A politician who uses polarizing rhetoric intentionally will often exploit a grievance. Politicians can stoke that grievance and create resentment and anger by identifying and blaming an enemy, whether it's immigrants, whether it's a foreign power like China, or whether it's an opposing political party. By blaming a group of people, they're simplifying the problem.
The problems that we face are complex and driven by a number of factors. A politician who tries to simplify them by blaming an enemy gives people a sense of control because now they have an answer. They want to know who to blame. And once they know who to blame, that also makes it more possible to entertain the idea of attacking that person. Even if politicians never say, “You should go out and shoot this particular enemy,” devoted followers may hear a politician’s message and take it upon themselves to go out and attack that enemy. We've seen that happen.
In one experiment, we exposed survey respondents to a political speech where somebody was blaming an enemy. We then measured their emotions afterward. We could see anger and resentment going up. And then we could measure their views of the other side and how much they adopted a populist attitude, which we defined as putting things in us-versus-them terms. And we could see that going up.
So we wanted to see how to mitigate that. And, in particular, we wondered whether a different kind of political speech, using positive emotions, could bring people together. What we learned is that it's very difficult for positive emotions to counter negative emotions. But the positive emotion speech was able to lessen the amount of resentment and anger that people felt. So it was helpful in that sense.
Another experiment I did tried to prompt a sense of threat from the other side. Those people who felt the most sense of threat to their way of life or to the nation — and also those people who had the strongest attachment to their political party — were the ones most willing to support behaviors by their political leader to erode democracy or to violate democratic norms. So the role of emotion is important, and the perception of threat is important.
GB: What's your sense of how worried we should be right now about the state of polarization in the United States? Should we be at DEFCON 1?
JM: A lot of the polarization we see comes from the top down. And a lot of it has to do with the choice of rhetoric our leaders employ. I think the question we need to ask is whether there is any basis for the rhetoric that our politicians are using. Are they identifying some actual truth, some actual problem with the other side's behavior? Or are they simply blaming groups, dehumanizing and discrediting without a basis?
So if we take the example of Trump saying the Biden administration is weaponizing the justice system against him, you can look at that and you can say, well, in reality, there are a number of different courts, at different levels of government, that are investigating him for a number of different potential crimes. This is just the justice system at work. This is how it should be.
And you can look at Jan. 6 and all of the attempts around the last election to file lawsuits and to claim fraud that were debunked and rejected by the courts. Yet Trump continues to deny that he lost that election. So is it unfair to call him an election denier and a threat to democracy because he refused to participate in the peaceful transfer of power? I would say, on an objective basis, that, yes, this constitutes a threat to democracy.
You have to assess and evaluate each allegation to know whether they are politically motivated exaggerations or they are truly a threat to democracy or a violation of democratic norms.
GB: I read your work as being very critical of far right parties and Trump in particular. What blame, if any, attaches to the left for our current polarization?
JM: Political scientists have looked at the ideology of the two political parties in the United States. Measures of the speech and the platforms of the two political parties over time have found that the Republican Party has moved further to the right and has become anti-pluralist, meaning less willing to tolerate diversity of opinions and less willing to respect their political opponents. These measures place the Republican Party much closer to the far right parties in other countries that have suffered democratic erosion. That’s what political scientists have found in looking at this.
The Democratic Party has a choice. The opposition always has a choice. Are they going to reciprocate and use the same kind of rhetoric, or are they going to try to move in a more depolarizing way? And at times, yes, the Democrats have certainly responded in ways that have encouraged polarization. Take gerrymandering, for example. There were attempts to move toward independent redistricting commissions. And the Democratic Party in many places moved away from that. They decided they couldn’t disarm and have a unilateral arms race. And so they gerrymandered as well. So that's a reciprocation.
When we say that the Republican Party and Trump, in particular, are more polarizing and have adopted more democracy-threatening moves than the Democrats, we often get this response: “Well, what about what the Democrats have done?” And, yes, they have done some things, but it is not symmetrical in objective measures. It is simply not symmetrical.
GB: It seems to me a difficult problem: How do you fight back against a polarizing enemy without fostering more polarization yourself?
JM: This gets to the question of whether polarization can ever be constructive.
Murat and I came up with this term: “transformative repolarization.” What we suggest is that, under certain conditions of social injustice and democratic backsliding, it may be necessary to shift the axis of polarization.
For example, if the polarization has been focused on immigrants versus non-immigrants, you may need to shift the axis and create a new line of polarization around, say, democracy versus authoritarianism, or following the Constitution versus violating the Constitution. And in doing that, you do have to differentiate between the two groups. You do have to say that one person or one party is threatening to the Constitution. Ideally, this should be built around values and ideas. So rather than saying that all Trump supporters are fascists or all Trump supporters are racists, or any kind of insult like that, what you want to do is say, “We're trying to build a broad coalition of all citizens who want to protect and strengthen democracy.” When you’re talking about ideas and not demonizing the people, that would be constructive polarization. Going back to the civil rights movement and Martin Luther King, that is what he tried to do.
GB: You've studied how other countries that have struggled with polarization have depolarized. What have you learned from that research?
JM: When we went back and looked over the past century and a half, back to 1900, we saw that countries tended to depolarize after major systemic interruptions. Things like civil war or international war. Or they were in an authoritarian system and they transitioned to democracy. Or they were in an independent struggle during colonization.
We don't want to be in any of those situations in the United States. There are very few examples of democracies that are as polarized as we are today. Among the well-established, wealthy democracies that the United States considers its peers in Europe, Japan, Australia, et cetera, there are no examples. The United States is exceptional as being the most polarized. There are examples of democracies that are younger or less wealthy that are as polarized as we are. One thing they have in common with the United States is that they tend to be large, multiracial, and multicultural democracies. Brazil was getting to that point but is now beginning to come out of it. India, I would say, is to that point. There are other examples.
We've identified four fault lines of polarization that we've seen historically around the world. The first one is about identity and belonging. Questions about who is a rightful citizen, that's one big fault line of polarization. Another fault line is about the type of democracy we're going to have, and who is presenting a threat to our democracy. A third fault line is around inequality of income and life opportunity. And the fourth fault line is around the social contract: What obligations do we have, citizen to citizen and the state to the citizen? What are our collective responsibilities to the society as a whole?
In many countries, we've seen that they have experienced one, maybe two, of these fault lines. In the United States right now, we would say we're experiencing all four, and that's what makes our polarization problem extremely complex.
GB: Are there examples of countries overcoming polarization that we can learn from?
JM: There are definitely ways to overcome polarization. Brazil is a recent example. They had a leader, Jair Bolsonaro, who was polarizing around both ideology and cultural identity issues. He was ultimately defeated by a politician on the left who was able to build a very broad, pro-democratic coalition. He got the business community behind him, centrists, and intellectuals. And so Brazil is depolarizing somewhat. It doesn't mean that Bolsonaro could never come back. The country is still divided, but the threat to democracy is lower today.
So that's one example of how to defeat pernicious polarization. It's about building a broad coalition. And that is something that we're seeing to some extent today in the United States with the “Never Trump” Republicans coming out and endorsing Kamala Harris. They are doing this not because they are in agreement with her policies, but on the basis of the threat that they see to democracy.
In terms of solutions, a critical part is for people who are in positions of responsibility or who are influencers in the public eye to denounce violence and anti-democratic behavior when they see it. When that doesn't happen, when people simply go along because they're afraid of losing their position of influence, that's when we're in real trouble. Leaders have to be courageous to denounce these things if we're going to stop the potential for violence and the potential for threats to our democracy.
Another solution is changing the electoral system of representation. I think this is really critical for the United States. Our electoral system is like only a very few other democracies, which all happen to be former British colonies. We have single-member districts. Sometimes it’s called a first-pass-the-post system. We are electing just one person to Congress from a given district. The people who vote against that person, who might be 49 percent of the local population, may feel like they have no representation.
Many aspects of our democracy, including the two-party system and the way we've created primaries, the electoral college, and the power of the Senate, create the potential for disproportionate representation. And that means that one party can gain power disproportionate to the actual support they have in the population.
In the United States, people don't really have much of a choice, politically. They may not like their party's candidate, but they're so afraid of the other side in a polarized context that they keep voting for them. That's not healthy. If we changed our electoral system and went closer to what most democracies around the world have, which is some form of proportional representation, I think it would break this binary divide that's locked us into polarization. People don't want this polarization, but it's locked in because of our political system.
GB: What role do you think civil society plays in all this? Do you buy the argument that part of the problem in the U.S. right now is the erosion we've seen over time in the kinds of organizations that used to bring people together across lines of ideology?
JM: Oh, definitely. I think the reduction of unions and churches and other organizations means that we don't have the kind of spaces we need in order to have contact with, and come together with, other people no matter our political views.
There's been a number of grassroots efforts to bridge the divides in American life. I think that work is important. It’s important to create the civic skills so our citizens can talk with each other in a productive way.
I’m a strong believer that we need citizens to have better civic knowledge and civic education, including news literacy and how to interpret information. We need to arm people so that they can recognize the warning signs of extreme polarization and so that they can resist the emotional appeals that politicians use.
The problem that I see is that if we only do that at the citizen level, it's not sufficient. We have to address the top political level too. Because voters respond to political messages. Top-down cues can undo all of the good work being done at the bottom.
GB: My last question may be an impossible one. You spent a long time working with Jimmy Carter. What would he be saying right now if he were running for president?
JM: He would be appealing to our better angels. He is a man of tremendous faith who always looked for the kernel of good in every human being, even the worst dictators around the world. I think he would appeal to that aspect of good in all American citizens. I think he would say that we need to get back to the normal negotiating and bargaining of our politics. But he would also say that just restoring the status quo isn't good enough. We need to continue to improve it.
I think he would say that democracy is a continuous task, like marriage. He and Rosalynn worked on it, and they had a marriage that lasted a long time. I think he would say that democracy is like marriage: you have to work at it continually to make it better for every human being.
Berman is a distinguished fellow of practice at The Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, co-editor of Vital City, and co-author of "Gradual: The Case for Incremental Change in a Radical Age." This is part of a series of interviews titled "The Polarization Project."
This article originally appeared on HFG.org and has been republished with permission.
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Victorious Republicans are once again falling for the mandate trap
Nov 19, 2024
In September, I wrote, “No matter who wins, the next president will declare that they have a ‘mandate’ to do something. And they will be wrong.”
I was wrong in one sense.
Now, I still think the idea of mandates are always conceptually flawed and often ridiculous. The only relevant constitutional mandate Donald Trump enjoys is the mandate to be sworn in as president.
Think about this way: Trump’s coalition together contains factions that disagree with one another on many things. Assume that self-described Republicans are Trump voters. According to the exit polls, about a third (29 percent) of voters who support legal abortion voted for Trump, while 91 percent of those who think it should be illegal voted for him. There are similar divides over support for Israel, mass deportation of immigrants and other issues. Heck, 12 percent of voters who think his views are “too extreme” nonetheless voted for him. Five percent of the people who would feel “concerned or scared” if he were elected still backed him at the polls.
In short, whatever Trump believes his mandate is, at least some of the people who voted for him will have different ideas. Save for dealing with inflation and righting the economy, there’s very little that he can do that won’t result in some people saying, “This isn’t what I voted for.” (Even if you believe in mandates, how big could Trump’s be given it’s tied as the 44th-best showing ever in the electoral college?)
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None of this is unique to Trump. Presidential electoral coalitions always have internal contradictions. FDR had everyone from progressive Blacks and Jews to Dixiecrats and Klansmen in his column.
Many people seem to think that politics is what happens during elections. But politics never stops. Once elected, the venue for politics changes. Presidents believe, understandably, that they were elected to do what they campaigned on. The challenge is that Congress and state governments are full of people who won an election too. And they often have their own ideas about what their “mandate” is. Postelection politics is about dealing with that reality.
Which gets me to what I got wrong. Although voters generally may not have spoken with anything like one voice on various policies, Republican voters voted for Republicans who would be loyal to, and supportive, of Trump. In other words, whether it fits some political scientist’s definition of a mandate, Republican senators and representatives believe that they have a mandate to back Trump.
The jockeying to replace Mitch McConnell as majority leader in the next Senate makes this so clear, it’s not even subtext, it’s just text. The three Republican contenders, John Thune of South Dakota, John Cornyn of Texas, and Rick Scott of Florida, fell over each other to reassure Trump and everyone else that they will do everything possible to confirm Trump’s appointees with breakneck speed.
Thune, who won the job last week, said in a statement, “One thing is clear: We must act quickly and decisively to get the president’s cabinet and other nominees in place as soon as possible to start delivering on the mandate we’ve been sent to execute, and all options are on the table to make that happen, including recess appointments.”
Thune was playing catch-up to Scott, who’d already signaled that he’d be Trump’s loyal vassal in the Senate. This earned him the support of Elon Musk and other backers who want Trump to be as unrestrained as possible.
An honorable and serious man of institutionalist instincts, Thune is simply dealing with the political reality of today’s GOP. The argument that anyone inside the Republican Party should do anything other than “let Trump be Trump” is over, at least in public.
Given that only 43 percent of voters said Trump has the moral character to be president (16 percent of his own voters said he doesn’t), this could lead to some challenging political choices for the party.
Once again, a victorious party is sticking its head in the mandate trap. In the 21st century, Yuval Levin writes, presidents “win elections because their opponents were unpopular, and then — imagining the public has endorsed their party activists’ agenda — they use the power of their office to make themselves unpopular.” This is why the incumbent party lost for the third time in a row in 2024, a feat not seen since the 19th century.
Hence the irony of the mandate trap. In theory, Trump could solidify and build on his winning coalition, but that would require disappointing the people insisting he has a mandate to do whatever he wants. Which is why it’s unlikely to happen.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.
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Trump’s win demands transformation, not just defense, of democracy
Nov 19, 2024
As Donald Trump returns to power, we face more than two choices. We can defend a broken status quo, we can dismantle it — or we can transform it into something stronger.
"Our government is stuck in the past, bogged down by bureaucracy and incompetence. The Democrats had their chance to fix it, but they chose to maintain the status quo. It's time for real change." — Trump, Oct. 28
The day after a historic election, the headlines on my phone were loud and clear: “Trump storms back to power.” Across the country and around the world people are grappling with what this means — not just for the next four years, but for the future of democracy itself.
Beneath the shock, a deeper message resonates across red and blue states alike: Americans are calling for change.
A Turning Point for Democracy: Addressing Fear, Frustration, and the Call for Change
Trump’s re-election has sparked deep fears for many, both enemies and friends of this country. Women and marginalized communities who feel their rights and protections are at risk feel especially and rightfully concerned. For many, this election outcome is more than a political shift; it’s a personal blow, casting uncertainty over issues that impact their daily lives. These fears remind us why a truly transformative democracy is so essential — a system that listens to all voices and protects everyone, not just the powerful. Building this kind of democracy isn’t an abstract goal; it’s a necessary step toward a future where no one has to fear being left behind.
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At the same time, many on the left may see Trump’s victory as an endorsement of divisive and dangerous views. It's helpful for me to understand that much of this vote was less about supporting one person’s ideology and more about rejecting a system that feels unresponsive and out of touch. Many are willing to accept flaws in the hope of real change.
This election reveals a deep hunger across the spectrum for a system that truly serves people — a vision that a transformative, inclusive democracy can actually fulfill. In Trump's words, it's “the greatest political movement of all time.”
“They came from, they came from all quarters. Union, nonunion, African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, Arab American, Muslim American, we had everybody and it was beautiful.Union, nonunion, African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, Arab American, Muslim American, we had everybody, and it was beautiful.”
Looking at the map of county shifts, it’s clear that people across the nation voted to break from the status quo. This isn’t simply about Trump; it’s about a widespread hunger for transformation in a system that many feel has failed them. And yet, the options we’ve been given feel incomplete, reduced to two unsatisfying choices: defending a broken system or rolling the dice on disruption.
This brings us to a real choice, one my mentor Ken Cloke captured best on the Omni-Win Project Podcast: “When democracy isn’t working, we face two choices: more democracy or less democracy.”
The Three Paths Forward: Defend, Disrupt or Transform
- Defending the status quo: For many Democratic leaders, protecting democracy means standing against Trump, painting him as an existential threat. Yet, as political analyst Astead Herndon pointed out on The Daily, this approach often sounds like a defense of the status quo — a system that, for too many, is already unresponsive and broken. In focusing on Trump as a unique problem, Democrats risk overlooking a crucial reality: that the system itself has left many feeling ignored and excluded. “When you criticize Trump for being a threat to democracy, you may reinforce the idea that you think democracy is going well for people,” Herndon noted, “when that poll shows it’s not.”
- Disrupting the system: Trump’s supporters aren’t merely seeking to tear things down for the sake of chaos; they see disruption as a path toward reclaiming power from entrenched elites. In his victory speech, Trump framed his win as a mandate to “help our country heal … a country that needs help very badly.” His campaign has been a promise to “drain the swamp” and “restore power to the people.” While this message resonates deeply with those who feel alienated, Trump’s plan is light on specifics, leaving it more of a gamble on dismantling the existing system than a clear roadmap for improvement.
- Transforming democracy: There is a third path — a path that acknowledges the system’s flaws without tearing it down or preserving the broken parts. This path is about transforming democracy into a system that is participatory, inclusive and truly responsive to people’s needs. Rather than defending a status quo that excludes people or dismantling it without a clear plan, transformation means reimagining democracy itself. It’s about building a future where every voice matters and where decisions are made with, not just for, the people.
The Real Choice: More Democracy or Less Democracy
In this moment, it’s clear that Americans aren’t satisfied with business as usual. Defending the system as it is or recklessly dismantling it are responses born out of frustration, but neither truly addresses the underlying problems. To move forward, we need a different approach — a commitment to more democracy, not less.
By choosing transformation, we can build a win-win democracy that values every voice, includes every perspective and brings us together to shape a future that serves all Americans. This is our real choice: Let democracy fade, or reimagine it as a powerful force for inclusion, trust and progress.
If we want a democracy that truly works, we must change the structures that drive division and polarization. Conflict in politics often stems from three main ingredients: diversity, inequality and an adversarial process. Diversity and inequality are unavoidable parts of society — they add richness and drive change. But it’s the adversarial, win/lose process that turns political disagreement into chronic, divisive conflict.
In our current system, competing groups are forced to choose between all-or-nothing outcomes. This win/lose approach fuels rivalry, marginalizes dissenting voices and leads to resentment rather than resolution. Imagine, instead, a political process that fosters win-win solutions — a democracy that’s collaborative, inclusive and designed to meet the needs of all involved.
What Does a Win-Win Democracy Look Like?
Shifting to a win-win democracy isn’t about eliminating diversity or inequality; it’s about changing the process. Here’s what this shift would mean:
- Participatory and inclusive: Decision-making that includes all voices, values dissent and ensures that everyone impacted by a decision has a say in the solution.
- Interest-based solutions: Moving from demands and positions to understanding the underlying needs of all parties. Focusing on why people want what they want allows for creative, cooperative solutions that can satisfy multiple interests.
- Transparent and trust-building: A process that emphasizes transparency and fairness, building trust over time and reducing future conflicts.
This approach isn’t hypothetical — it already exists in tools like consensus-building, mediation and community dialogues. In a win-win democracy, every political decision is an opportunity to strengthen relationships and foster understanding, making democracy not just a system of governance but a continuous practice of collaboration.
The Path Forward: Transforming Democracy with Proven Solutions
Real democratic transformation is already underway, fueled by a powerful “movement of movements” dedicated to building a resilient, inclusive democracy. I’m fortunate to be connected with several of these initiatives, and there are many ways you can get involved:
Join the Pro-Democracy Movement of Movements:
- Democracy Resource Hub: This comprehensive directory connects you to tools, strategies and organizations working to renew democracy. It’s a perfect starting point to explore your role in this movement.
- Inter-Movement Impact Project: Join this coalition of hundreds of organizations coordinating monthly to strengthen democracy. Follow and engage with Generate Democracy on LinkedIn to become part of this collective.
- Practitioner Mobilization for Democracy: If you’re skilled in mediation, facilitation or community-building, this initiative offers events and resources to support your work in fostering dialogue and bridging divides. I’m proud to be part of this project, and we’d love to have you join.
- Healthy Democracy Ecosystem Map: Gain insights into the organizations and initiatives shaping a more inclusive democracy.
Explore Resources and Inspiration:
- Stay connected with updates and ideas from The Fulcrum, Democracy Notes, Generate Democracy!, Beyond Intractability's Substack and Horizons Project Vista.
- Find more inspiration and ideas on the Practitioner Mobilization for Democracy resource page.
Take Local Action:
- Engage in your community: Attend city council or school board meetings, join local advocacy groups or start neighborhood dialogues. Small actions add up, transforming democracy from the ground up.
- Consider starting a community-based project that brings democratic principles to life locally. Better Together America is supporting a network of local democracy hubs and state roundtables paired with a national combined funding campaign to catalyze and connect the field of democracy.
Real transformation happens when we all take part. These initiatives are here to support, inspire and empower you to help build the democracy we know is possible.
A Hopeful Challenge for America: Reclaiming Democracy as Our Own
Trump’s re-election might feel like a setback, but it’s also a call to action. If this moment proves anything, it’s that people are hungry for change — whether they’re frustrated with the establishment or the current system’s failures. This isn’t a time to retreat into defending what isn’t working or to celebrate a chaotic disruption. It’s time to reclaim democracy as our own.
Our future doesn’t lie in tearing down or preserving the old structures. It lies in taking what works, transforming what doesn’t and building a democracy that includes and serves everyone. This is a call to anyone who feels disillusioned, frustrated or left out. It’s time to make democracy reflect the people’s will, not the will of elites or disruptors alone.
Democracy isn’t something to defend or destroy; it’s something we must continuously build together. This is our moment to embrace democratic transformation and create a system that truly serves all Americans. Let’s get started.
Autrey, creator of the Omni-Win Project, works with individuals, groups and communities to help transform their conflict issues through a variety of conflict management and communication skills.
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Racism is such a touchy topic that many U.S. educators avoid it – we are college professors who tackled that challenge head on
Nov 19, 2024
It is not easy to teach about race in today’s political and social climate.
One hundred and sixty years after the United States abolished slavery, racial differences continue to spark pervasive misunderstanding, engender social separation and drive political and economic disparities. American educators are naturally intimidated and, at times, discouraged by the huge task before them.
Yet race and racism are key components of American history. Understanding this history illuminates central aspects of American identity for students.
We are university faculty members – one Black, one white – who decided to tackle this topic head on.
Following the rash of police killings of unarmed Black Americans in 2014 and 2015 that inspired the Black Lives Matter protests, we began collaborating on a unique effort at the University of Missouri, where we both taught at the time, to heal our campus and society using the tools of education.
The shooting death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, had enormous reverberations at Mizzou. It spurred walkouts and protests, and ultimately the resignation of the university’s president.
Yet we knew the memory and lessons of this event could too soon fade into the past.
Race and the American story
American history is punctuated by recurrent cycles of racial injustice, response and forgetfulness.
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The American Revolution inspired a wave of abolitionist fervor – even Thomas Jefferson vehemently condemned slavery as a “cruel war against human nature itself.” Then the political and economic concerns of white Americans eclipsed the issue for decades.
This cycle repeated itself after the Civil War ended slavery in the U.S. in 1865.
Reconstruction efforts in the South were incredibly successful in securing social and political equality for the freedmen. Then came the backlash: the rise of the racist and violent Ku Klux Klan in 1865, followed by the federal government’s political compromises with the South and the withdrawal of federal troops. Justice was delayed another century.
As documented in our new book, “Race and the American Story,” the course we created at Mizzou was a conscious effort to halt this vicious cycle of forgetfulness and apathy.
The Race and the American Story course launched in 2017 with the aim of bringing white and Black students and faculty together in the same classrooms to have honest conversations about issues of race in American history. It combines a focus on historical documents and music with an emphasis on small group discussion.
Students are regularly surprised by how directly the historical texts we assign relate to their own experiences as 21st-century Americans.
Frederick Douglass’ Fourth of July speech – in which Douglass, who escaped slavery, wonders what patriotism means to Black Americans – reads to them like a Black Lives Matter manifesto. They are amazed that Alexis de Tocqueville, writing in the 1830s, predicted that the civil rights struggle would be even more difficult than abolition of legal slavery.
Students share these reactions and other insights with each other, rather than responding to the professor. By engaging in a common learning process about race and humanity, our students become friends – through and because of their differences, not despite them.
Music also serves as a shared touchstone – if not always a common ground – between white and Black Americans.
In one assignment, our students create an annotated playlist of songs that deal with the topic of race. We spend a class period or two listening to this music. Students explain why they chose particular songs, and then everyone reacts to that track.
Students who have recently read and discussed Ida Wells’ report on lynching in the South, for example, may hear similar themes in Billie Holiday’s iconic performance of “Strange Fruit.”
As students get to know each other on a personal level through their shared love of music, they may not even notice that profound learning about race and difference is also happening.
In many ways, the course design hinges on the fact that we are so different from each other, both as academics and as people.
When one professor is a Black female ethnomusicologist and the other is a white male political theorist, students can expect an eclectic blend of disciplinary knowledge and lived experiences. We learned about race and the American story through very different lenses, and we leverage our own experience and knowledge to make students feel more comfortable sharing theirs.
We invite our students to begin examining issues of race in American history from multiple entry points and from cultural perspectives that can speak powerfully to both Black and white Americans.
K-12 race education is lacking
We believe many U.S. students haven’t gotten a satisfactory education on issues of race for a long time.
Most elementary, middle school and high school students over the past 50 years have received some version of what we call the “Mount Rushmore” narrative of American history.
It goes something like this: A few great white men, plus Martin Luther King, Jr., did great things for America, a country that has had its problems in the past but is always getting better and better.
This version of history emphasizes progress and minimizes the gravity of past and present injustices against African Americans.
In recent years, this K-12 situation has worsened. In the place of unthinking Mount Rushmore-ism, U.S. schools now sit at two extreme poles.
On one side, some schools have begun instituting curricula inspired by Howard Zinn’s 1980 book “A People’s History of the U.S..” Zinn’s text surfaces the stories of people overlooked by most historical accounts, from the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 to the 1960s California farm workers’ movement led by Cesar Chavez.
Curricula based on Zinn’s work – for example, California’s ethnic studies program – complement and counterbalance the Mount Rushmore narrative. But they tend to downplay or reject the founding principles of the U.S. and the understanding of humanity that gave rise to the American political tradition itself.
Meanwhile, many states and school systems have adopted textbooks and curricula that emphasize the country’s fundamental goodness, omitting or neglecting historical racial injustices. Florida and Oklahoma have even enacted laws that some teachers interpret as prohibiting the teaching of slavery and historical racism.
Trapped between these two extremes are many educators so fearful of saying the wrong thing that they simply avoid the subject of race altogether.
Race and the American story: A bigger project
Some colleges do a little better. Black Studies programs may balance out the Mount Rushmore narrative with not just Zinn’s “untold stories” model but also the works of Black historians like Carter G. Woodson and Darlene Clark Hine.
Yet many American higher education institutions still teach Mount Rushmore in some courses and Zinn in others, contending that this approach provides “intellectual diversity.” We see this as a recipe for incoherence and confusion.
The successful course we co-designed at Mizzou demonstrates that colleges can tackle race in a thoughtful, nuanced way that builds bridges. We find that students are hungry to learn in this way. They regularly express gratitude for the opportunity to talk about race in ways they didn’t think was possible in higher education today.
After “Race and the American Story” launched in 2017, faculty members at other universities began to get in touch. They wanted to coordinate their efforts to teach honestly and productively about race with ours. In 2019, we hosted our first annual symposium for these faculty members and their students. We have since hosted many more events and conversations with professors, community members and students nationwide.
Our approach gives students and citizens a kind of “North Star” to orient race relations in the U.S. – one based on deep historical knowledge, a commitment to justice and a disposition toward genuine cross-racial conversation.
Mutual understanding doesn’t appear out of thin air, but educators can teach it.
Seagrave is an associate professor of civic and economic thought and leadership at Arizona State University. Shonekan is a professor and dean of the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Maryland.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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