Reform Elections Now is a nonpartisan organization of professionals concerned about the current political dysfunction that prevents government from working to solve the nation's biggest problems. We feel election reform is the key. Our mission is to facilitate election reform through education and engagement, with practical solutions that will enhance informed discourse, increase voter participation and motivate better representation by our elected officials. In addition to preparing 'white papers' on various reform initiatives, we hold monthly sessions open to all on timely relevant topics.
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A Navy veteran turned NY State Assembly staffer reflects on youth, bipartisanship, and why good government is still possible in 2026.
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I Left Government More Hopeful Than I Started
Sep 08, 2026
Friday was my last day working for the New York State Assembly. While finishing my Master of Laws at Columbia, only a month after leaving the military following ten years as a Naval Aviator, I saw on LinkedIn that an Assembly member was looking for a District Director. I applied for the job, got it, and, with a semester to go, took it. It was my first job out of the military, and it was absolutely wonderful. At a time when trust in government is lower than it's been in almost seventy years, I was part of a team that made me believe, more than ever, that government can be a force for good. I want you to believe it, too.
My boss was the kind of politician one dreams of: hardworking, earnest, and incredibly smart. He was an absolute model of public service and neighborliness, who grounded us in the mission that anyone who ever came into contact with our office should walk away with more faith in government. He did his best to show up everywhere and for everyone; I watched him give every ounce of himself to serving his constituents in Manhattan and representing them in Albany. Sometimes they called and complained anyway. Most who observed his effort became enamored. I can say confidently that New York is better for having had him in the state legislature.
His Chief of Staff was one of the savviest managers I have ever met. She had come from tech and quickly became a political force; we should be glad she chose public service when it is clear she could do anything–she would have made a formidable military officer because she is such a natural mission commander. She optimized the entire office, reminding us to set boundaries to prevent burnout, but calling us out if she knew we could do better. She brought out the best in us. We never wanted to disappoint her.
The legislative team was composed of two policy savants. One of them entered the office as an expert in computer science and artificial intelligence, while the other quickly became one. Together, they were behind an incredibly impressive legislative agenda that included the most progressive AI safety law in the country. These two will shape the future of AI regulation–if we're lucky. They are also funny.
Our director of constituent services is perhaps the most empathetic person I have ever met. She took call after call from neighbors on their worst days and worked tirelessly to help them solve their problems. On top of that, she managed a schedule that was busier than the governor’s, according to a staffer who would know. She also made sure we were all taken care of emotionally and that the office was stocked with snacks. On my last week of work, she gifted me a tote bag she had hand-embroidered with colorful hearts and the words ‘HATE HAS NO HOME HERE.’
We did not agree with each other on everything. Our office was not an echo chamber, but we addressed tension with compassion and curiosity to move things forward. We trusted each other, and recognized that ultimately we won and lost as a team. I can’t help but think that such an office mindset played a role in the Center for Effective Lawmaking giving our boss the highest freshman effectiveness score of any New York City legislator, and the second highest in the entire state. Teamwork is useful for more than just morale.
By the way, every single bill my boss passed had at least one partner across the aisle. I think this must be thanks in part to legislating with that same collaborative mentality, allowing for bipartisan cooperation. It turns out, lawmakers who build coalitions across party lines are simply more effective at passing legislation than those who don't, regardless of which party controls the chamber. In fact, political scientists at the University of Arkansas found that “the states where legislators were the most civil towards each other passed roughly twice the number of bills that the most uncivil legislatures passed.” To illustrate the point, in 2023, Congress passed only 27 bills total. In only four years, my boss passed 35 himself (and they’re good ones).
Moved by the effort of everyone on the team to ensure we were operating at maximum efficiency, and blown away by the efficiency itself, I have tried to internalize what made it possible. It does feel relevant that the oldest person in our office was 43. Younger generations may be better equipped to address many important issues of our time, and not just because of their vitality. It was the 23 year old in the office, after all, who taught me how to use and optimize Claude. More Gen Z adults report owning crypto than any other generation–that fluency could be an asset. The legislative duo I described are geniuses, so who cares that even the older one was born only three weeks before September 11th? While elder knowledge is critical and intergenerational exchanges are important, it's hard not to think our youth was a factor in that efficiency.
Unfortunately, young people are strikingly scarce in government. Of the 2 million people in the federal government, roughly only 7% are early-career individuals, while that demographic makes up 20% of the broader American workforce. Millennials made up more than a quarter of the voting-age population but only about 7% of the 117th Congress. Now, they’ve increased to 15%, but Gen Z still sits at .2%. We should identify and remove the hurdles keeping young people out of public service. It’s the right thing to do, and it might even lead to significant improvements in government effectiveness.
Our government has a lot to fix before it can earn back the people’s trust. It will be more important than ever to elect the right people to represent us. Before you exercise your civic duty of voting, consider asking yourself: how much energy do these candidates have? And what kinds of coalitions do they build? If we want to elect leaders capable of meeting the moment, a capacity to work hard and an ability to work with others should count at least as much as a good resume or simply incumbency.
I want to live in a world where a high functioning government doesn’t feel like the stuff of fantasies or The West Wing. After getting a year’s worth of eyewitness evidence, however, I leave New York affirmed that this is achievable, that good people are among us, and that progress is not just possible but within reach. Our office wasn’t perfect, but we gave it our all every day, and we have a lot to show for it. I know we’re not the only ones. If you feel called to serve, go find your team.
Julie Roland was a Naval Officer for ten years, deploying to both the South China Sea and the Persian Gulf as a helicopter pilot before separating in June 2025 as a Lieutenant Commander. She has a law degree from the University of San Diego, a Master of Laws from Columbia University, and is a member of the Truman National Security Project.
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Non-Popular Vote Presidents: Conservatives’ Pathways for Abandoning Fiscal Responsibility
Sep 08, 2026
In political science and macroeconomic analysis, conservative administrations that win governance through the Electoral College without securing the national popular vote (historically exemplified by administrations like George W. Bush in 2000 and Donald Trump in 2016) navigate specific structural, ideological, and strategic pathways that often lead to the abandonment of traditional fiscal restraint.
Supply-Side Supremacy and "Starve the Beast"
The Theory: The core tenet shifted from "balance the budget first" to "cut taxes to stimulate growth". Proponents argue that lower tax rates generate enough economic expansion to eventually make up for lost revenue.
The Fiscal Outcome: In practice, major legislative actions—from the Reagan era to the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and subsequent budget reconciliation moves permanently lowered revenues without corresponding spending cuts. This has structuralized trillion-dollar deficits as a regular feature of governance.
The "Starve the Beast" Failure: The strategic rationale was that cutting taxes would starve the federal government of funds, forcing it to shrink. However, while revenues decreased, the political appetite to cut actual federal spending never materialized.
Populist Realignment and "Entitlement Untouchability"
The Electoral Reality: The transformation of the conservative base into a more working-class movement created immense pressure to protect mandatory spending programs.
Protecting the Safety Net: Major components of the modern conservative platform explicitly oppose cutting core entitlement expenditures like Social Security and Medicare. Because these entitlements, along with Medicaid, comprise roughly half of all federal spending, making them untouchable mathematically eliminates any viable pathway to a balanced budget without massive tax increases.
The Redefinition of "Government Size" over Deficits
Redefining the Problem: Influential conservative factions and think tanks like American Compass have reframed the definition of limited government. This view posits that the true measure of government overreach is its overall expenditure and economic intervention, rather than how that spending is financed.
The Rhetorical Pivot: Under this pathway, deficits and national debt are treated as secondary management issues. Debt is effectively tolerated as long as it funds core conservative priorities—such as defense spending, border security enhancements, and domestic tax relief—rather than expanding progressive social welfare programs.
Strategic Weaponization (Minority vs. Majority Dynamics)
Opposition vs. Governance: Analysts note that fiscal conservatism frequently functions as a highly effective opposition strategy rather than a governing blueprint.
The Behavioral Pattern: When in the minority, conservative lawmakers routinely weaponize the deficit, leveraging debt ceilings and appropriations processes to block the opposition party's agenda. However, once they secure unified control of the executive and legislative branches, leadership regularly abandons these strictures to avoid the electoral backlash that comes with cutting popular public services or federal agencies.
Political scientists, economists, and historians outline these specialized pathways to explain the divergence between conservative fiscal rhetoric and actual deficit spending:
Coalition Maintenance via Asymmetric Polarization
Presidents facing structural popular majorities against them rely heavily on maintaining absolute cohesion within their geographical and coalition boundaries (the states and districts that secure the Electoral College).
The Mechanism: Government spending is targeted or maintained to insulate core voting blocs. For instance, modern populist-conservative realignments explicitly reject cuts to social safety nets that support their working-class bases.
The Fiscal Outcome: The administration protects agricultural subsidies, defense contracts, and entitlement spending relevant to their coalition, while cutting taxes, resulting in a systemic compounding of the national debt.
The Institutional "Mandate" Substitution
Presidents who ascend to office without winning the popular vote lack a broad democratic majority mandate. To assert governing legitimacy and solidify their political base, they frequently substitute a popular mandate with an ideological mandate.
The Mechanism: Rather than compromising on consensus-based fiscal policy to appeal to the popular majority, these administrations prioritize high-impact, base-satisfying legislative victories.
The Fiscal Outcome: Unfunded tax cuts and maximized defense spending are fast-tracked to signal strength and unified partisan alignment, shifting focus away from the lack of popular vote consensus.
The adoption of the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC), without a constitutional amendment, is an ideal push-back by voters across the political spectrum, betrayed by Non-Popular Vote Presidents, a function of the winner-take-all (WTA) regime Electoral College regime.
The NPVIC is an agreement among U.S. states and the District of Columbia to award all their electoral votes to the presidential ticket that wins the overall popular vote in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It is considered a pragmatic, state-based initiative because it aims to ensure the winner of the national popular vote wins the presidency, operating within the existing Electoral College framework by utilizing states' constitutional authority to appoint electors. The NPVIC has been adopted by 18 states and Washington, D.C., representing 222 electoral votes. It needs 48 more electoral votes to reach the 270-threshold required to go into effect. Member states enact legislation that legally binds them to award their electors to the winner of the national popular vote, regardless of whether that candidate won the majority in their specific state.
November 3, 2026, opportunity: elect governors and state legislatures, regardless of their party affiliation, that will adopt the NPVIC, a viable pathway to reform especially in the following states, won by Trump-47 in 2024:
Nevada, Michigan, Georgia, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Wisconsin, Arizona.
Hugh J. Campbell, Jr., CPA, is a Governance, Risk & Compliance (GRC) professional and a student of W. Edwards Deming, the American statistician often credited as the catalyst for the Japanese economic miracle after WWII.
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Russell Vought, the acting director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, testified before the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs in July.
Samuel Corum/Sipa USA via AP Images
The Trump Administration’s Plan for Protecting Consumers? Politely Ask Companies to Behave.
Sep 08, 2026
In mid-July testimony before Congress, Russell Vought boasted that, as the acting head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, he’d refashioned the agency’s approach to pursuing banks and other financial companies accused of exploiting Americans — the role Congress had created for the agency after the 2008 economic crash.
Vought had spent the first 18 months of the new Trump administration trying to dismantle the bureau, much as he and other appointees had done with the U.S. Agency for International Development. At CFPB, he’d ordered mass layoffs, tried to choke off the bureau’s funding and ended the lease on its headquarters, attempting to make good on his vow to put civil servants “in trauma.” But federal courts blocked Vought’s efforts to close the CFPB, with a judge at one point saying the administration had acted with “complete disregard” for Congress.
So Vought, who is one of President Donald Trump’s top advisers, switched tactics: If there had to be a watchdog, theirs would be more of a golden retriever, friendlier to industry and less aggressive. Vought had accused the bureau of “thuggery” in the past, and said the “new” CFPB would focus on deregulation, embrace “humility” and adopt a “collaborative approach” to its dealings with companies that harm consumers.
As evidence of the success of this new approach, Vought singled out one company by name in his testimony, a buzzy startup called Bilt. The company, which offers credit cards used to make rent and mortgage payments, had fumbled a critical transition, leading to confusion and financial stress for its customers. In the past, the CFPB might’ve deployed examiners to ensure that every consumer harmed got relief, investigated Bilt’s technology platforms for potential flaws, questioned its third-party contractors or issued subpoenas — with the goal of finding the root causes of whatever went wrong and preventing it from happening again.
The Trump-era CFPB took a different tack. “We reached out to the company,” Vought told Congress, “and before it got to the adversarial part of the process, they were able to fix their issues.” The CFPB even posted a feel-good statement on its website, touting its new approach and telling consumers that information provided by Bilt “appears to show” the firm was “back on track.”
Yet two weeks after Vought’s testimony, Bilt failed customers again. This time, Bilt cardholders received mistaken debt collection notices and saw their credit scores go down as a result, sparking more embarrassing news stories and angry complaints. It was Bilt’s second fiasco in six months, and as its customers scrambled to understand what had gone wrong, the CFPB was nowhere to be found.
The Bilt controversy offered an early test of CFPB’s new approach, and the results suggest that an ask-nicely strategy to consumer protection isn’t likely to protect consumers. What’s more, current and former CFPB officials say the bureau could’ve caught the issues that caused the second of Bilt’s two screw-ups had the previous playbook still been in use.
ProPublica sent the CFPB a detailed set of questions about its handling of the Bilt complaints and what actions it took to protect consumers and prevent future problems. The bureau did not respond to any questions or requests for comment.
The whole episode drives at a bigger question, according to consumer advocates and current and former CFPB employees: If the Trump administration can’t eliminate the CFPB, what will become of it in the hands of Trump officials, such as Vought, who have long believed the agency is unnecessary? (Vought termed out as acting director in early August but remains a senior adviser. The administration’s nominee for full-time director, Brian Johnson, is an executive at Capital One bank and a former CFPB appointee. At his confirmation hearing, Johnson said he could not think of a single decision that he disagreed with made by Vought at the CFPB.)
“What we saw Vought do with Bilt is innovative — and I don’t mean that as a compliment,” said Mike Pierce, a former CFPB official who runs the consumer advocacy group Protect Borrowers, which has criticized Vought’s tenure at the bureau.
A Rocky Transition
Bilt’s business rests on a simple premise: Consumers should build credit and earn rewards for what’s typically their single biggest expense — their rent or mortgage payment. “Prior to Bilt, that payment didn’t build anyone’s credit history, which is crazy,” Bilt co-founder Ankur Jain said in March. Jain added that it was “silly that you can earn rewards buying a round of drinks at a bar, but not paying your rent every month.”
Founded in 2021, Bilt is one of the hottest startups in the personal finance industry. Bilt says it has 7 million customers and has raised nearly $1 billion in venture capital investments, at a $10.75 billion valuation. Investors include private equity giant Blackstone, the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan and a venture capital fund chaired by former American Express CEO Kenneth Chenault.
Forbes estimates Jain’s wealth at $3.4 billion. People magazine published exclusive photos of Jain’s 2024 wedding to Erika Hammond, a former WWE wrestler and cast member on the upcoming season of “The Real Housewives of New York City.” The event took place near the Great Pyramid of Giza; one photo shows the couple kissing at sunset with the Sphinx and pyramids in the background.
Earlier this year, Bilt suffered a serious crisis. The startup had signed a seven-year partnership with Wells Fargo to offer Bilt-branded credit cards that could be used to pay rent. Under its deal with Bilt, Wells Fargo agreed to absorb processing fees associated with rent transactions and make payments to Bilt because it saw the partnership as a way to attract new customers who might one day seek a mortgage from Wells Fargo, according to The Wall Street Journal.
But revenue fell short of Wells Fargo’s projections, and the bank was losing so much money — as much as $10 million a month, the Journal reported — that it ended its partnership with Bilt four years early. (A Bilt spokesperson said at the time that the Journal’s reporting was “an inaccurate representation” of the Wells Fargo partnership.)
Bilt co-founder Ankur Jain attended the Bilt Rewards x Wells Fargo launch party in March 2022. Jared Siskin/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images
In February, Bilt relaunched its credit cards with new financial partners. But the rollout of “Bilt 2.0,” as the company called it, was a debacle.
Customers said their rent payments were paid late, double-charged or not paid at all. Credit limits had been lowered from one card to the next. Their cards were inexplicably frozen. “This unexpected double charge has caused significant inconvenience and financial distress,” one Bilt customer wrote to the CFPB in February after Bilt paid her rent twice in the same month. (A Bilt spokesperson said, “As soon as we were made aware of this issue, we resolved it and made the member whole.”)
Bilt’s customer support department struggled to keep up as tens of thousands of messages poured in. Customers fumed that they were unable to bypass chatbots and reach a human being for help. They also bombarded the CFPB’s website with complaints, which included accounts of how Bilt’s AI support system gave information that was “completely wrong” and “demonstrably … false.” (In a statement at the time, Bilt said its new card had “attracted unexpectedly high demand, and some of our members experienced gaps in service that are simply unacceptable to us.” The company told ProPublica it resolved all problems related to the new cards “months ago.”)
In March, the consumer group Protect Borrowers sent a letter to the CFPB, demanding that the bureau’s supervision or enforcement divisions take “immediate action.” Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., wrote to Bilt, pointing out a 1,300% increase in complaints about the company submitted to the CFPB in February and seeking answers about the Bilt 2.0 transition. Warren also said that Bilt’s practice of immediately debiting rent payments may have run afoul of the 2009 Credit Card Accountability Responsibility and Disclosure Act’s disclosure requirements for credit cards. A Bilt spokesperson said Warren’s assertions were “incorrect.”
It’s common for lawmakers and advocacy groups to fire off outraged letters about a company’s alleged wrongdoing.
The strange part is what the CFPB, then led by Vought, chose to do about it.
“Air Cover for the Company”
The law that established the CFPB, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, envisioned two tracks for the bureau’s work.
On the supervision track, CFPB employees would periodically visit banks and other financial institutions to monitor their business practices and ensure compliance with the law. Supervision would be confidential, giving companies the ability to adjust their operations without public scrutiny. Contrary to Vought’s accusations, current and former CFPB staffers say the traditional supervision process has long been collaborative and nonpublic. Congress designed it that way when it wrote the law.
Supervision could examine the past or look in real time. In one notable instance, when two federal student loan servicers exited the industry in 2021, the bureau’s supervision division chose to proactively monitor the transition of more than 9 million borrowers’ accounts to new servicers. Bureau staffers caught problems mid-transfer, from inaccurate due dates to botched repayment schedules, and directed the companies to fix them. It later published a recap of what the CFPB did as well as a set of tips so that the rest of the industry could avoid the same mistakes.
On the enforcement track, CFPB lawyers would file lawsuits against or pursue consent decrees — binding settlements that courts can enforce — with companies that allegedly broke the law. By their nature, lawsuits and settlements are public, but the enforcement division didn’t speak publicly about its actions apart from its filings.
The Trump-era CFPB took neither of these tracks in response to Bilt’s first incident. A senior political appointee and Vought aide, Victoria Dorfman, took the lead in contacting Bilt and asking for information about the consumer complaints, according to a person familiar with the interactions who requested anonymity to share confidential communications. Dorfman was joined by Elie Greenbaum, another Vought adviser, and Deborah Morris, the deputy enforcement director. Having political appointees lead this process, instead of nonpartisan career executives and subject-matter experts, was “abnormal” for the CFPB “but is becoming normal” under the Trump administration, a current CFPB staffer told ProPublica.
Dorfman, Greenbaum and Morris met with Bilt’s executives, who explained how they were fixing the problems and supplied data to the bureau about the company’s customer communications and efforts to resolve problems. When Bilt assured the bureau it had fixed the issues, CFPB officials appear to have taken those assurances at face value, issuing a celebratory press release on the bureau’s website.
But it was what the press release said, or didn’t, that alarmed some current and former CFPB officials. Nowhere does it mention whether the bureau dispatched examiners to help locate the root of Bilt’s problems, as it would have done in the past, or whether it conducted its own audit of Bilt data to ensure every harmed consumer got relief.
Indeed, the CFPB’s statement stressed that the bureau did not open an investigation. Nor did it craft a consent decree or enforceable pledge to ensure compliance. Documentation provided by Bilt, the bureau said, “appears to show” that the company had fixed its problems and that its systems were “back on track.”
Austin Hinkle, a former supervision lawyer and section chief at the CFPB, said it’s easy for a company to identify a population of customers who were harmed, issue an apology and get them relief, as Bilt did.
Understanding what caused the issue is more complicated — and arguably just as important. In a situation like Bilt’s, Hinkle said, CFPB examiners would normally conduct a root-cause analysis, asking, for instance, which system led to the late or double-charged rent payments and why had it failed. Financial technology companies often rely on third-party processors and banks, Hinkle said, so the bureau’s investigators would also scrutinize what outside firms Bilt uses and what the communications have been with those firms.
There’s none of that depth in the CFPB’s statement, Hinkle said. “The press release just looks like they’re providing air cover for the company without directing real fixes or systematic changes.”
The lighter touch appears, so far, to be a hallmark of the Vought-era bureau. It has brought just one enforcement action since Trump took office, which ended with a consent decree and a civil penalty of $1, while dismissing or resolving dozens of cases brought during previous administrations. A CFPB supervisor warned her subordinates that they would face “most unpleasant” consequences if they were too aggressive in their work, Reuters reported. Recently, the bureau announced it would no longer include narratives in consumer complaints that appear in the CFPB’s public database.
Meanwhile, a current CFPB staffer told ProPublica that the number of policy attorneys, who help direct supervision work and identify violations of law, had shrunk from typically between 40 and 50 lawyers down to five. The staffer said that examiners were no longer allowed to access the primary source level data and could only “check the checker now,” meaning they must rely on a company’s own findings. They also faced pressure to finish examinations as fast as possible, given only three weeks to complete their work when they used to have eight weeks.
The staffer added that, as far as they knew, the first time that front-line staffers on the supervision and enforcement tracks heard of CFPB’s handling of the Bilt case was either the public statement or when Vought mentioned Bilt in his Capitol Hill testimony.
Pierce, the Protect Borrowers director, said he viewed CFPB’s treatment of Bilt as an indication that the bureau had embraced a mindset similar to what Ronald Reagan’s presidency was known for: a wholesale deregulatory approach meant to strip away regulations and oversight of companies large and small.
“It’s taking the government’s supervision and enforcement tools and figuring out how you can use them the way the Reaganites used them,” Pierce said.
“Sent Me Into a Panic”
Roughly two weeks after Vought’s testimony, Bilt customer Jordan Carey, a 30-year-old who works in the hospitality industry, received an alert from Credit Karma, the credit-monitoring service. His credit score had dropped 50 points in a single day. The news “sent me into a panic,” Carey said. He had stellar credit and paid off his Bilt credit card the day charges were posted. “I was thinking there is no way this is real,” he said.
Carey dug deeper and saw that the hit to his score had happened after a debt collector, Tate and Kirlin, reported a supposed long-overdue payment. And when he looked at the collections notice, he saw it listed Bilt as the cause of the error.
When he alerted Bilt’s customer service to the problem, he said, “they were not aware of the issue [and] I’m pretty sure I was one of the very first people to report it.” A Bilt customer service agent initially laid the blame with Wells Fargo and told Carey to contact the bank for help. But when he posted on Reddit about his experience, he got a different response from Bilt about the source of the problem, blaming a different banking partner. He also heard from almost a dozen other people who said they had the same issue.
Nearly 1,900 of Bilt’s customers received mistaken notices from a debt collector that said they owed hundreds or even thousands of dollars in unpaid credit card balances. On Reddit, people wrote about receiving one or multiple false collections notices, including, in one case, as the cardholder was closing on a new house.
Hinkle, the former CFPB section chief, said the more recent Bilt problem was the kind of situation the CFPB’s previous oversight model could’ve prevented or identified more quickly, instead of customers discovering the problem and self-reporting it. “The fact that there’s a seemingly related problem popping up now suggests to me that the normal supervisory process didn’t work here,” he said.
The CFPB has not made a public statement since Bilt’s second breakdown.
Bilt, for its part, said the issue had to do with an earlier iteration of its credit cards that had stopped accepting customers. The company said it alerted the collection agency in question as well as the credit bureaus to the mistake. It also awarded customers an extra 2,500 points for their trouble, worth between $25 and $50. “We held the agency accountable, made things right for every customer involved, ensured each was notified directly and provided direct customer support along with courtesy Bilt Points,” a spokesman said.
Carey said his credit score had been restored within a few days but was unimpressed by the free points; 10,000, or about $100 to $200, would have felt more appropriate. “This is a multibillion-dollar company,” he said. “They can afford it.”
The Trump Administration’s Plan for Protecting Consumers? Politely Ask Companies to Behave. was originally published by ProPublica and is republished with permission.
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Latino Workers Are the Backbone of America — But Inequities Persist
Sep 07, 2026
WASHINGTON — As the nation pauses today to mark Labor Day 2026, a glaring spotlight is shining on the massive economic influence, historical legacy, and evolving challenges of the Latino labor force. Once relegated to the margins of the broader American labor narrative, Latino workers are stepping into the national conversation as the indisputable backbone of the modern United States economy.
According to recent findings from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the overall labor market has shown unexpected strength, with a stable baseline keeping the Hispanic and Latino unemployment rate hovering around 4.8%. While this reflects a significant drop from the 5.3% peak recorded a year ago, advocacy groups argue that the metrics mask deeper inequalities that holiday celebrations tend to overlook.
“This Labor Day must be about more than celebrating workers,” said Martina Grifaldo, a representative for the Houston-based advocacy organization Alianza Latina Internacional. “It must also be about protecting them, respecting their dignity, and demanding justice when their lives and families are torn apart.” Grifaldo, whose group organized a dynamic vehicle caravan today in Texas, stressed that the celebration of Hispanic productivity shouldn’t occur without simultaneously securing legal protections for vulnerable laborers.
Data from the U.S. Census Bureau reveals a massive footprint: Latinos make up roughly 39% of the total U.S. workforce. However, their distribution heavily concentrates within critical foundational sectors. Latinos comprise a striking 85% of all agricultural workers, 59% of construction crews, and 53% of all employees in food services.
Furthermore, research published by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis shows that Latinos consistently hold a labor force participation rate of roughly 67%—the highest of any major racial or ethnic group in the country.
This high attachment to work has long-term economic benefits. Local networks like HispanicPro indicate that growth in Latino-owned businesses is skyrocketing, moving at more than 2.5 times the national average over the past decade. Yet, despite this high productivity, systemic vulnerabilities remain. Studies from economic think tanks show that while Latinos comprise 20% of the overall workforce, they make up an alarming 27% of the nation’s low-wage workforce. For Hispanic women, the gap widens further, representing 8% of the general workforce but 32% of all low-wage workers.
Additionally, a Labor Day report from UnidosUS highlighted that only 18% of Hispanic women have access to an employer-sponsored retirement account, compared to 45% of white women and 71% of white men.
Echoes of History
The current fight for equitable treatment directly echoes a long, multi-generational lineage of civil rights activism. Historically, Latino-led actions have transformed the American workplace into a safer environment.
The roots stretch back to early collaborative actions like California’s 1903 Oxnard Strike. There, Mexican and Japanese agricultural laborers united under the Japanese-Mexican Labor Association to fight against wage suppression during the peak sugar beet harvest. Labor historians point to it as a pioneering blueprint for modern multiracial union solidarity among marginalized communities.
Later decades saw trailblazers like Emma Tenayuca, affectionately dubbed La Pasionaria, lead the historic 1938 San Antonio pecan shellers’ strike. In the 1960s, Dolores Huerta, co-founded what became the United Farm Workers (UFW). Her iconic rallying cry, “Sí, se puede” (Yes, it can be done), propelled the historic Delano grape strikes and institutionalized basic protections, like banning hazardous short-handled tools.
In recent years, the Latino labor force has also felt the strain of the Trump administration’s hard stance on undocumented immigrants. Policies that increased workplace raids, tightened verification requirements, and restricted pathways to legal status have disrupted industries that rely heavily on Latino workers
As community leaders reflect on this history today, they assert that the American dream is increasingly moving out of reach for families of color struggling against rising costs.
“This Labor Day, it is important to remember that everyone in this country deserves a fair shot at the American dream: a good job with decent wages to support a family, and the chance to one day retire with dignity,” an economic commentator noted in a holiday column for Newsweek.
For the millions of Latino men and women packing food, operating heavy equipment on construction lines, or staffing hospitals today, Labor Day serves as both a proud acknowledgement of what they have built and a quiet reminder of the work left to be done to secure true workplace equity.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network, and twice president of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists.
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