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Return copyright to its roots: Compensate human creators

Return copyright to its roots: Compensate human creators
John M Lund Photography Inc/Getty Images

Samantha Close is the Director of the Digital Communication and Media Arts program at DePaul University and a Public Voices Fellow through The OpEd Project.

A new survey of the Milky Way galaxy recently revealed billions of objects in the celestial landscape. There truly is nothing new under the sun and U.S. copyright laws need to reflect that.


Many assume copyright is about plagiarism: taking credit for someone else’s work. But that’s not the origin of copyright in the United States.

The U.S. constitution’s “Copyright Clause” states that Congress will have the power “to promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.”

Essentially, the driving force of American copyright is encouraging creators to make things by allowing them to profit from their work. Copyright laws must return to these roots.

2023 is already a scary and contentious time for many creators. In one corner of the galaxy are corporations tightening their control over intellectual property.

For example, Wizards of the Coast, the company which owns the popular tabletop roleplaying game system Dungeons & Dragons, recently launched a firestorm of controversy when its new, much more restrictive license leaked to the press.

Its terms were so far-reaching that some lawyers questioned whether the company even had copyright over the production it was trying to claim. (They’ve since changed direction.)

From the other end of the galaxy are artificial intelligence generators that can create new work directly from a text prompt.

Midjourney, one AI system, intakes keywords and phrases from its users and outputs complex visual images in seconds. The infamous Chat GPT can write anything from computer game code and a poem to your child’s next school assignment. This only complicates copyright issues for human artists.

Corporate overreach matters because artists are rarely the ones who actually end up owning their own copyright. In this field, work is commonly on a “for hire” basis; whoever commissioned the creator owns the copyright to the work.

In his life, Michelangelo Bonaparte did not own the copyright to his timeless work on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel, and neither does his estate now. Nippon Television Corporation of Japan does.

This year will be a turning point for creators. The original Mickey Mouse copyright, Ub Iwerks’ Steamboat Willie illustration, expires according to the terms of the Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act —which coincidentally extended US copyright just at the point when Mickey Mouse would have otherwise left the Disney Corporation’s control.

The U.S. Supreme Court is deliberating on the Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc. v. Goldsmith. That case will speak volumes on whether mechanical reproduction techniques, like silk-screening, are enough to constitute “transformational” use of original images.

The first two AI generator lawsuits have been filed in the U.S., one against the code generator CoPilot and another against the image generators Stability AI, Midjourney, and DreamUp. Stock image site Getty Images is filing in the UK.

It’s only in creative fields where the original investment is relatively low, such as writing, or fields protected by tradition, such as academia, where the actual creator usually owns their copyright.

But even this is changing, as new policies claim copyright over intellectual property created on “their time.” Some universities have even used recorded video lectures so a professor can teach online after they’re dead.

When original creators aren’t the ones benefiting from copyright, its purpose of encouraging creation is lost. Worse than that, corporate owners like Disney and Wizards of the Coast often discourage or outright sue artists trying to make new work based on their cultural heritage.

This copyright system has functioned over the years because creators at least got paid once, either when they worked for hire or when their work was licensed. With AI art generators like Midjourney, it is possible to make complex, sophisticated images with about 150 words and half an hour. It’s difficult to imagine how human artists can compete.

None of these systems would be where they are, of course, without human artists in the first place. “Artificial” intelligence only seems like a property of the technology.

These systems are powered half by code and half by vast archives of “training data” provided by people. Experimenting with Midjourney demonstrates that by far the easiest way to produce good work is to ask the system to replicate existing styles or even specific artists.

Artists can find out if their own text or images were scraped into these training databases and opt out. But there’s no mechanism to compensate creators for past harms or the likely impact on their future livelihoods.

Neither corporate overreach nor AI will stop artists from making art. If the internet has proved anything, it’s that people will create and share their work for the sheer joy of it, rather than because they’re getting paid.

What both of these forces will do, however, is prevent artists from making a living at their trade—the exact thing copyright is supposed to ensure.

Many compare the current copyright situation to music when free file-sharing sites like Napster reigned--a situation eventually resolved through paid services like Spotify. But Spotify and its ilk are notoriously poor at compensating the artists whose songs it streams.

Policymakers in Congress can help stop corporate overreach by passing laws like the Copyright Clause Restoration Act of 2022 that brings copyright back to a reasonable term limit. Artists can continue to advocate and legally pursue their rights to earn income for their creative efforts. The courts can decide to return copyright to its origins.

Payment is due.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

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