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ICE Policy Challenged in Court for Blocking Congressional Oversight of Detention Centers

Lawyers Defending American Democracy files amicus brief asserting that ICE policy violates federal law and undermines congressional authority.

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ICE Policy Challenged in Court for Blocking Congressional Oversight of Detention Centers

Federal agents guard outside of a federal building and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention center in downtown Los Angeles as demonstrations continue after a series of immigration raids began last Friday on June 13, 2025, in Los Angeles, California.

Getty Images, Spencer Platt

In a constitutional democracy, congressional oversight is not a courtesy—it is a cornerstone of the separation of powers enshrined in our founding documents.

Lawyers Defending American Democracy (LDAD) has filed an amicus brief in Neguse v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, arguing that ICE’s policy restricting unannounced visits by members of Congress “directly violates federal law.” Twelve lawmakers brought this suit to challenge ICE’s new requirement that elected officials provide seven days’ notice before visiting detention facilities—an edict that undermines transparency and shields executive agencies from scrutiny.


At the plaintiffs’ request, LDAD’s brief focuses on two constitutional pillars: standing and appropriations law. The denial of access harms individual members of Congress by violating a statutory right unique to their office.

Moreover, the fact that the provision guaranteeing unannounced access appears in an appropriations bill does not diminish its legal force. As Mitt Regan, McDevitt Professor of Jurisprudence at Georgetown Law and principal author of the brief, stated: “Federal law explicitly protects Members of Congress’ right to unannounced oversight visits. ICE’s policy violates both the letter and spirit of that law.”

The Trump administration’s argument for restricting unannounced visits by members of Congress to ICE facilities centers on operational control and security concerns. Some of their reasoning includes:

  • Operational Disruption: ICE claims that unannounced visits can interfere with facility operations, including detainee processing, legal proceedings, and staff duties.
  • Security Protocols: The administration argues that prior notice allows ICE to ensure safety for both visitors and detainees, citing concerns about crowd control and potential confrontations.
  • Discretionary Authority: Under the new guidelines, ICE asserts “sole and unreviewable discretion” to deny, cancel, or reschedule visits for any reason, including “operational concerns” or if deemed “appropriate” by facility managers.
  • Distinction Between Facilities: DHS claims that while federal law allows unannounced visits to detention centers, it does not apply to ICE field offices—despite the fact that immigrants are often detained there before transfer.

However, critics, including Rep. Bennie Thompson, argue this policy violates federal law, which explicitly allows members of Congress to conduct oversight visits without prior notice to any DHS facility used to “detain or otherwise house aliens.” Furthermore, the policy has led to multiple incidents where Democratic lawmakers were denied entry or arrested during attempted oversight visits, fueling accusations that the administration is trying to avoid scrutiny of detention conditions.

Despite the administration's claims, the case seems clear. Congress has both the legal authority and the moral obligation to inspect detention centers, especially those housing vulnerable populations. Federal law prohibits DHS from using appropriated funds to block or delay such visits. By ignoring this mandate, ICE not only violates statutory law but also erodes the separation of powers that sustains our democracy.

LDAD’s defense of congressional oversight is part of a broader initiative led by Professor Julie Goldscheid and former Judge Rosalyn Richter, who have been sounding the alarm about the administration’s executive edicts and their alignment with Project 2025—the authoritarian blueprint advanced by the Heritage Foundation. In her recent Fulcrum column, Project 2025 in Action: Sounding the Alarm for Democracy,” Professor Goldscheid warned:

“Since taking office in January 2025, the Trump administration has systematically taken steps to implement Project 2025… These actions touch on virtually every aspect of public and private life, leaving many Americans across the country overwhelmed, confused, exhausted, and frightened.”

She also offered a powerful call to action:

“Each of us can take steps to support—and perfect—our democracy… The value of the right to speak freely, to celebrate dissent even when uncomfortable, to have a say in our government, to live free from surveillance and the threat of unwarranted punishment, demands no less.”

LDAD was founded to galvanize lawyers in defense of the rule of law amid unprecedented threats to democratic governance. Their mission is nonpartisan and rooted in the belief that legal professionals have a unique responsibility to:

  • Uphold democratic and legal principles consistent with their ethical obligations
  • Demand accountability from lawyers and public officials
  • Call out attacks on legal norms and advocate for redress
The Neguse brief is a call to conscience for the legal profession. Lawyers are stewards of the rule of law. When executive agencies defy congressional oversight, it is our duty to respond. This case is not merely about access—it is about accountability. It is about whether Congress can fulfill its constitutional role without obstruction. And it is about whether lawyers will rise to defend the democratic architecture that makes such oversight possible.

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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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