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Retired Federal Judge Warns of Threats to Judicial Independence and the Rule of Law

In The Fulcrum’s “Judges on Democracy” series, a Reagan-appointed jurist calls for renewed vigilance to protect the rule of law, judicial independence, and constitutional checks and balances.

Opinion

Lady of Justice in front of a U.S. flag.

Retired federal judges speak out on the rule of law, judicial independence, and the Constitution’s role in protecting democracy amid growing political attacks.

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In times of democratic strain, clarity must come not only from scholars and journalists but also from those who have sworn to uphold the Constitution with impartiality and courage.

This first in a series in the Fulcrum, “Judges on Democracy,” invites retired federal judges to speak directly to the American public about the foundational principles of our legal system: the separation of powers, the rule of law, and the indispensable role of an independent judiciary in our democratic republic.


These voices are not partisan. They are principled. Having served on the bench with fidelity to law over politics, these jurists now step forward — to advocate for any party or agenda, but to illuminate the constitutional architecture that protects liberty and equality for all.

Their reflections are rooted in experience, not ideology. Their warnings are grounded in precedent.

At a time when threats to judicial independence are growing more frequent and more brazen, The Fulcrum offers this series as a civic resource and a moral compass. We believe that understanding how our courts function and why their integrity matters is essential to preserving the democratic experiment our founders envisioned.

Today, Judge Winslow Bissell—who President Ronald Reagan nominated to the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey in 1982, was appointed and confirmed by the Senate in the same year, and held the position of Chief Judge from 2001 until his retirement in 2005—answers some questions that are reminders that the judiciary is not a tool of power; it is a bulwark against its abuse.

Why did the framers enshrine an independent judiciary—and how does that safeguard our democracy today?

The framers enshrined an independent judiciary because of experiences during the colonial period. These experiences often included having to travel to England to be confronted with courts of the Star Chamber, usually held in secret and subject to the power of the British Monarch. The framers thus established a federal judiciary, with tenure during “good behavior," where compensation of those judges could not be reduced during their terms in office. Then, as now, federal judges, free of concerns about removal from office except in extraordinary circumstances, are able, in legal proceedings brought before them, to preserve and enforce the rule of law and to administer justice to the parties.

Why are retired judges speaking out now—what compels you to break tradition and raise your voice?

We speak now (a) because we can, now unfettered by proper limitations when we were in office, (b) because we can speak from years of experience in being in the shoes of current judges, and (c) because we must where now our nation is confronted with verbal and sometimes physical assaults and threats, leveled at judges and the federal judiciary as an institution, beyond anything in our nation’s history. Our President, who should be leading the defense of the Judicial Branch, is, in fact, leading the assaults. Congress is both paralyzed and polarized, and is thus incapable of emphasizing the importance of an independent judiciary’s power to ensure that the rule of law prevails. Finally, and most regrettably, aside from a few extra-judicial pronouncements, the U.S. Supreme Court does not have the backs of our District and Circuit Judges.

Why is using impeachment to challenge judicial decisions a threat to constitutional balance?

Impeachment is a tool for the removal of a federal judge from office for specified conduct that clearly does not include the mere challenging of an adverse judicial decision. As such, it is a lame threat that has little chance of being brought by the House of Representatives and even less likelihood of achieving a super majority to convict in a trial before the U.S. Senate. Threats of impeachment are likely hollow, designed by their authors to garner or hold political support, but they are nonetheless dangerous because they lessen the public’s faith in an independent judiciary.

What do you wish more Americans understood about the role of judges in preserving liberty and equality?

More Americans, unschooled in the law, should understand that federal judges are true neutrals with no political dog in the fight, who are called upon to decide cases, not causes. Civil lawsuits and criminal prosecutions come to us; we neither seek nor initiate them. Individual liberties and equality among residents of our country before the law are values that the courts are bound to enforce or redress. However, there are cases where our duty to apply the law as it is may result in a perceived injustice. Rectifying that situation, however, is the job of either Congress or a state legislature, not the courts.

What moment from your time on the bench best captures the weight—or wonder—of serving justice

This occurred in my journey through litigation involving New Jersey’s Megan’s Law. This involved, at first, my issuance of a preliminary injunction against that law’s enforcement to preserve the status quo. Several weeks later, in deciding cross-motions for summary judgment on the merits, I upheld the constitutionality of that statute, which by then had been amended at the direction of the Supreme Court of New Jersey to remove an otherwise fatal absence of due process for previously convicted sex offenders. I also held that, in light of an intervening and analogous decision of the U.S. Supreme Court, arguments based upon double jeopardy and ex post facto failed because sex offender public registration was not an added criminal punishment. I believe that justice was served at each step of this process, despite rants by radio shock jocks that my preliminary injunction would set loose convicted but unknown sex offenders upon our community.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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