Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

The Supreme Court Has a Legitimacy Problem—But Washington’s Monopoly on Power Is the Real Crisis

Opinion

USA, Washington D.C., Supreme Court building and blurred American flag against blue sky.

Americans increasingly distrust the Supreme Court. The answer may lie not only in Court reforms but in shifting power back to states, communities, and Congress.

Getty Images, TGI /Tetra Images

Americans disagree on much, but a new poll shows we agree on this: we don’t trust the Supreme Court. According to the latest Navigator survey, confidence in the Court is at rock bottom, especially among younger voters, women, and independents. Large numbers support term limits and ethical reforms. Even Republicans — the group with the most reason to cheer a conservative Court — are losing confidence in its direction.

The news media and political pundits’ natural tendency is to treat this as a story about partisan appointments or the latest scandal. But the problem goes beyond a single court or a single controversy. It reflects a deeper Constitutional breakdown: too much power has been nationalized, concentrated, and funneled into a handful of institutions that voters no longer see as accountable.


The Court isn't failing alone. For many Americans, the entire structure of nationalized governance is collapsing under its own weight.

This poll is simply the latest reminder.

How the Court Lost the Middle of the Country

At one level, the data are straightforward. Most Americans believe the Court is out of touch with everyday life. Majorities back term limits, stronger ethics rules, and more transparency. Support falls along partisan lines: Republicans are more trusting; Democrats and independents overwhelmingly are not.

But a deeper, more troubling pattern stands out: trust in nearly every national institution, including Congress, the presidency, federal agencies, and now the Court, has plummeted. Ironically, the more national politics has become like a high-stakes, winner-take-all contest, the less faith Americans place in the institutions that run it.

All this was predictable: when national power becomes winner-take-all, people who lose the national fight disengage or grow resentful. That’s just human nature.

How We Got Here: The Vertical State, the Imperial Court, and the Loss of Local Power

The Court was never meant to be the be-all and end-all of policymaking. But because Congress has surrendered its lawmaking capacity and presidents have hoarded more unilateral authority, the judiciary has become the final arbiter on nearly everything from reproductive rights to immigration to elections.

If you want to know why the Court is at the center of a legitimacy crisis, start with this structural fact: Too much of American life is decided many miles away by nine people with lifetime appointments.

The Constitution’s Supremacy Clause says that when the Court rules, the ruling applies everywhere. A highly centralized national politics increasingly treats those rulings as existential. The losing side never gets breathing room. There are no safety valves, no alternative venues, no horizontal paths for policy diversity. The losers must seek redress from the same court that struck down the law.

The result is predictable—every Supreme Court nomination becomes the equivalent of trench warfare. Every ruling becomes do-or-die. Every institutional norm becomes a casualty of partisan combat.

The Supreme Court Shouldn’t Be the Only Thing That Matters

Concentrating all power into a handful of national institutions is dangerous and inefficient. Authority should be shared across different parts of society rather than concentrated in one place. States, cities, and local governments need real power instead of leaving everything to the federal government. Decisions should come from many sources so that no single institution can block progress. Policies should allow room for local solutions as the Founders intended, instead of trying to impose sweeping national fixes. Legitimacy must grow from the bottom up, not be handed down from the top. There's a reason why states are called “laboratories of democracy.”

How Reforms Would Work in a More Balanced Republic

The real solution starts with sharing power more broadly. State Supreme Courts should handle more constitutional questions within their own borders. Not every issue needs an immediate, uniform national answer. Congress needs to reclaim its role as the branch that actually makes laws, but partisan gridlock has paralyzed it. Instead of writing clear statutes, lawmakers often leave gaps that the Court is forced to fill. This dysfunction pushes more power toward the judiciary, making every decision feel like a national showdown.

A healthier system would let states try different approaches rather than imposing a single model from Washington, but that requires a Congress willing to act instead of engaging in endless partisan combat. And local governments should matter again. City councils, school boards, and state legislatures should feel relevant to people’s lives. When that happens, the Supreme Court stops being a life-or-death institution. Court reforms like term limits and ethics rules still matter, but their purpose should be to reduce national escalation, not to reset the same old fight.

If we want to restore trust—not just in the Court, but in democracy—the answer isn’t to make Washington bigger or louder. It’s to make the rest of the country matter again. A distributed republic lowers the temperature by spreading decision-making across many institutions. It makes disagreement survivable. It returns policymaking to the places where people actually live. Until we fix the structure, Americans will keep distrusting the Court—and the presidency, and Congress, and everything else we’ve crammed into a vertical, zero-sum national cage match. The poll doesn’t just tell us the Court is in trouble. It tells us the republic is asking for a different kind of architecture: a distributed one. One based on the core principles of our constitution.


Robert Cropf is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Louis University.


Read More

a grid wall of shipping containers in USA flag colors

The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

Keep ReadingShow less
America’s Human Rights Reports Face A Reckoning Ahead of Feb. 25th
black and white labeled bottle
Photo by Markus Spiske on Unsplash

America’s Human Rights Reports Face A Reckoning Ahead of Feb. 25th

The Trump administration has already moved to erase evidence of enslavement and abuse from public records. It has promoted racially charged imagery attacking Michelle and Barack Obama. But the anti-DEI campaign does not stop at symbolic politics or culture-war spectacle. It now threatens one of the United States’ most important accountability tools: the State Department’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.

Quiet regulatory changes have begun to hollow out this vital instrument, undermining America’s ability to document abuse, support victims, and hold perpetrators to account. The next reports are due February 25, 2026. Whether they appear on time—and what may be scrubbed or withheld—remains an open question.

Keep ReadingShow less
A child's hand holding an adult's hand.
"Names have meanings and shape our destinies. Research shows that they open doors and get your resume to the right eyes and you to the corner office—or not," writes Professor F. Tazeena Husain.
Getty Images, LaylaBird

Who Are the Trespassers?

Explaining cruelty to a child is difficult, especially when it comes from policy, not chance. My youngest son, just old enough to notice, asks why a boy with a backpack is crying on TV. He wonders why the police grip his father’s hand so tightly, and why the woman behind them is crying so hard she can barely walk.

Unfortunately, I tell him that sometimes people are taken away, even if they have done nothing wrong. Sometimes, rules are enforced in ways that hurt families. He seemingly nods, but I can see he’s unsure. In a child’s world, grown-ups are supposed to keep you safe, and rules are meant to protect you if you follow them. I wish I had always believed that, too.

Keep ReadingShow less
Democrats’ Demands for ICE Reform Are Too Modest – Here’s a Better List

Protestors block traffic on Broadway as they protest Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) at Columbia University on February 05, 2026 in New York City.

Getty Images, Michael M. Santiago

Democrats’ Demands for ICE Reform Are Too Modest – Here’s a Better List

In a perfect world, Democrats would be pushing to defund ICE – the position supported by 76% of their constituents and a plurality of all U.S. adults. But this world is far from perfect.

On February 3, 21 House Democrats voted with Republicans to reopen the government and keep the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) funded for two weeks. Democrats allege that unless there are “dramatic changes” at DHS and “real accountability” for immigration enforcement agents, they will block funding when it expires.

Keep ReadingShow less