MSNBC
Harvard government professors Steven Levitsky & Daniel Ziblatt, authors of "Tyranny of the Minority," talk with Alex Wagner about how a failure to change and adapt American democratic institutions has allowed minority rule to overcome the popular will of American voters, and how to make the U.S. government more representative of democratic preferences.
This piece originally appeared on MSNBC.
A sign fell to the ground outside the Pennsylvania Convention Center, the central ballot counting facility in Philadelphia, on Nov. 5, 2020.
Kickols is the communications manager for the Election Reformers Network.
Several election law authorities, elected officials and election administration experts came together recently to discuss potential mail-in ballot counting delays, the challenges of reporting on inaccurate fraud claims, and other election dynamics on the horizon in Pennsylvania. And yet they had a positive message: The Keystone State is well-positioned to count ballots faster this fall.
The discussion took place during an online event with media hosted by the Election Overtime Project, which supports journalists in their coverage of close and contested elections. Election Overtime is an initiative of the Election Reformers Network.
The panel featured esteemed experts including U.S. District Court Judge John Jones, who presided over critical 2020 election challenges; former Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar, who was a defendant in suits filed by President Donald Trump against Pennsylvania officials; Jennifer Morrell, a leading consultant on election administration and auditing; and Emma Shoucair, a legal specialist focused on voting issues.
The event was the third in a series of media briefings that will continue through the election cycle. (A video of the briefing is available here.)
Panelists agreed that state election officials are in a good position to finish the count earlier this year than in 2020, when “four excruciating days” passed before Pennsylvania issued preliminary results, in the words of Shoucair. She cited several reasons for the 2020 delay, including the pandemic and the very recent adoption of universal mail-in voting, which was passed at the end of 2019. Reasons to expect a quicker turnaround in 2024, according to Shoucair, include that “the boards of elections have refined their processes for counting mail-in ballots and have invested in additional personnel and equipment.”
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But there are still structural hurdles. “What folks need to know,” said Jones, “is that because our General Assembly lacks the political will to fix a broken election code, we do not have appropriate pre-canvassing [preparing mailed ballots for tabulation] in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. That’s a dreadful flaw, and it leads to delayed results. It will be a couple of days, which will lead into the narrative that there have been these phantom vote drops and something nefarious going on. And that’s not it at all.”
Jones urged reporters to reality test allegations before reporting on them.
Boockvar agreed, and she pleaded with journalists on the call to be informed and thoughtful about their election reporting. Boockvar pointed out the importance of not allowing reporting the news of something outrageous said by a politician to look like confirmation of that politician’s statement. That “can end up unintentionally becoming a source of disinformation that then leads to threats against election officials,” she explained.
Morrell, the co-founder of The Elections Group, cautioned against misrepresenting audits and recounts as an indication that voting results are flawed.
“An audit is a routine part of the post-election process,” Morrell explained. “It’s designed to ensure the systems work as expected. It’s not a bad word. A recount is performed in response to something that happened in a specific contest, such as a close margin, or it could be initiated automatically by statute or requested by a candidate.”
Getting more information in circulation about these procedural elements of election is the goal of Election Overtime. The project website offers a comprehensive set of resources for journalists including guides for reporting on election transparency, verification processes and judicial procedures. The program also offers an extensive speaker bureau to connect journalists with expert commentary for local and national coverage. The program focuses on Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, New Mexico, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
As ERN Executive Director Kevin Johnson explained, the program is anchored in the idea that, just as in sports, “who won an election is not a subjective question. It’s a matter of fact and a matter of law.” Johnson stressed the importance of helping “voters see the full process of what happens when elections are close and ‘go into overtime” so that it will be “well known and clear that elections, too, have rules that make it absolutely clear who won.”
ERN Vice President Heather Balas called attention to key facts voters should know about presidential elections. “We believe that sound news coverage of the election process — not just of the horse race — is crucial to the future of our democratic republic,” said Balas. “So, with humility, we offer our support to the hardworking election reporters of this nation.”
Materials used on this program have been produced with the generous support of The Carter Center, the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation, and the Bridge Alliance (which publishes The Fulcrum).
Pastor Dieufort "Keke" Fleurissaint addressed the crowd as members of the Haitian community and their allies gathered in Boston to denounce hateful rhetoric aimed towards Haitian migrants in Ohio and elsewhere in the United States.
Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.
As a resident and registered voter of the state of Ohio, I am distressed by the rhetoric Donald Trump and J.D. Vance have directed towards Haitian immigrants in Springfield. I am an American citizen who, by default of pigmented skin, could be assumed to be Haitian or something other. It pains and threatens me that such divisiveness and hatred are on the rise. However, it strengthens my resolve to demand a more just, equitable and loving nation and world.
Pursuing racial justice extends far beyond mere policies or practices; it is a deeply personal and profoundly moral imperative. At its core, this work demands that we acknowledge the inherent worth and dignity bestowed upon every human being, recognizing the divine image imprinted on each soul. It calls us to treat all people with the respect, compassion and love that this sacred truth deserves. In a world where racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia, gender bias and other forms of hateful expression and speech persist, we are compelled to act. Silence and inaction in the face of such bigotry are tantamount to denying the very image of God in our fellow human beings.
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As people of conscience and faith, we have a universal responsibility to combat hateful rhetoric and actions in all their forms. This is a matter of social justice and a fundamental requirement of our shared humanity. In a democratic society, everyone deserves equal dignity and respect, regardless of race, religion, gender or identity. We fulfill our moral and theological obligations by standing against hate and working to create a world that reflects the sacred truth of human equality. Through love, compassion and determined action, we can help eradicate hateful expressions and speech, building a society that genuinely honors the image of God in every person.
This is the calling I have dedicated myself to. It is what focuses my writing, speaking and teaching as an educator. It informs my work and witness as a Christian minister. It sets my intentions in parenting and responsible citizenship. And it is the work I will keep doing, no matter how hard it gets.
Like generations before me, I do all this because I know we can be better as a nation. We can build a world where every person thrives, every voice is heard and every soul is seen. It will take effort, yes. It will take perseverance, patience and courage. But I have faith in us. I hope, inspired by faith, that if we keep pushing and striving together, we will create a multiethnic democracy, a beloved community.
That is why I encouraged the following:
When presented with hateful and racist rhetoric, it's essential to address it directly. Do not stand idly by when such language is used in your presence. Calmly but firmly tell the speaker that their words are not acceptable. If the hate speech is more public, such as at rallies or on social media, report it to the appropriate authorities. If you witness someone else being targeted, support the victim. Your actions send a message that hate has no place in your community.
Education is critical to combating ignorance, the root of much hate. Sponsor or participate in workshops about different cultures, religions and social issues. Bring together people of various backgrounds for open dialogues. On social media, share informative articles and personal stories highlighting the harm of racism. We can break down stereotypes and foster understanding by learning from each other. Empathy, the ability to share the feelings of others, is the antidote to hate. Practice active listening and try to see things from another's perspective.
Demand that our elected officials denounce hate groups and racist rhetoric. Support legislation that strengthens hate crime laws. Lobby for school curriculums that include diverse histories and promote inclusion. Vote for candidates who run on platforms of unity and respect for all. If you can, donate time or money to organizations that fight discrimination. Policy change may take time, but it is a crucial step towards a more just society. Raising your voice can help create a world where all people are treated with dignity and respect.
I am still determining what the future holds. But I know this: As long as we keep pushing and believing in the promise of a democratic republic, we will get there. We will create a nation where all its people can thrive, where every person can live with dignity and where every person can call this land home.
This I believe. This I will advocate faithfully for. We deserve and are promised a country and leadership better than this. And with divine help, this is the America we can become.
One arm of the government defines homelessness narrowly, focusing on those living in shelters or on the streets. But another deparmtent also counts people living in doubled-up housing or motels as homeless.
Arzuaga is the housing policy analyst for the Latino Policy Forum.
The majority of Latinos in the United States experiencing homelessness are invisible. They aren’t living in shelters or on the streets but are instead “doubled up” — staying temporarily with friends or family due to economic hardship. This form of homelessness is the most common, yet it remains undercounted and, therefore, under-addressed, partly due to conflicting federal definitions of homelessness.
The Department of Housing and Urban Development defines homelessness narrowly, focusing on those living in shelters or places not meant for habitation, such as the streets. This definition, while useful for some purposes, excludes many families and children who are technically homeless because they live in uncertain and sometimes dangerous housing situations but are not living on the streets. This narrow definition means that many of these “doubled up” families don’t qualify for the resources and critical housing support that HUD provides, leaving them to fend for themselves in precarious living situations.
In contrast, the Department of Education, under the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, adopts a broader definition that includes students who are doubled up, living in motels or in other unstable housing situations. This definition is more reflective of the reality faced by over 1.2 million public school students during the 2021-22 school year, with 76 percent of these students experiencing doubled-up homelessness.
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The conflicting definitions create significant disparities in how homelessness is understood and addressed. While the Department of Education recognizes and provides some support for students in doubled-up situations, HUD’s narrower definition excludes these families, leaving them without the crucial housing assistance they need. This discrepancy even extends to how homelessness is counted. For instance, HUD’s Point-in-Time count focuses solely on those living in shelters or on the streets. In contrast, the McKinney-Vento count by the Department of Education includes all children without a fixed, regular and adequate nighttime residence, capturing those in doubled-up situations or motels. As a result, many homeless families are greatly undercounted and left out of policy decisions that determine federal housing funding.
Latino families are at high risk of facing housing instability and more likely to experience homelessness by doubling-up with other households due to economic challenges and systemic barriers. The situation becomes even more complicated for those who are undocumented. While both immigrant and migrant children and youth are eligible for McKinney-Vento services, such as free school meals, if they lack a fixed, regular and adequate nighttime residence, accessing broader housing support is more complicated. HUD’s stricter immigration requirements often bar undocumented families from receiving the housing assistance they need.
This gap in resources has real consequences for Latinos. Homeless children face a 18 percentage point drop in their chances of graduating high school compared to the national average. Even when schools provide support through the McKinney-Vento Act — such as tutoring, school supplies and transportation — students living doubled-up still lack what they need most: stable housing because HUD doesn’t recognize their living situation as homelessness.
While it won’t solve housing insecurity overnight, aligning HUD’s and the Department of Education’s definitions of homelessness would be a step in the right direction for truly addressing the needs of doubled-up families, ensuring that everyone is seen and counted. By expanding our understanding of what homelessness can look like, we can begin to connect these overlooked families and children to the housing resources and stability they desperately need.
If you think you may have experience living doubled-up, please consider taking this anonymous survey.
Cardenas is a freelance journalist based in Northern California.
The future of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program remains in limbo after judges from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit heard arguments in October. DACA offers temporary protection from deportation and provides work permits to undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children, who are often referred to as "Dreamers."
For six years, Stephanie Canizales listened to the coming-of-age stories of unaccompanied migrant youth inside Los Angeles’ church courtyards, community gardens, English night classes, McDonald’s restaurant booths and more.
“Story after story… as much as there was pain and suffering, there was resilience and hope,” Canizales said.
Her first book, ‘Sin Padres, Ni Papeles’ compassionately weaves together the voices of Central American and Mexican immigrant youth who struggled to adjust to life in the United States after migrating without parents nor papers.
“It’s both a story about inclusion but also deep marginalization,” Canizales said.
Nearly 129,000 unaccompanied minors crossed the U.S. southern border in 2022, according to the Department of Health and Human Services. The issue was widely reported earlier, when a surge in immigration exposed the public to photos of detained children in cages in 2014.
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Canizales’s research began in 2012, when the Obama administration created the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which allowed some immigrant youth temporary relief from deportation and renewable legal work authorization.
Though DACA had positive impacts on some, it left out 62 percent of the undocumented youth who did not meet the policy’s educational requirements, Canizales wrote.
Among those left out were the youth she met in L.A., many of whom took on the role of low-wage worker instead of student because they did not travel with a legal guardian or documents.
Canizales gently probes at the hearts of youth like Tomás, a garment worker who left Guatemala when he was 14 years old, a few years after his mother abandoned him and his older sister, Susana.
Susana was the first to leave Guatemala and initially welcomed her younger brother to her home in the Pico-Union neighborhood of central L.A., where her undocumented husband and U.S.-born children had settled.
But Susana soon kicked Tomás out because she was afraid he would place her family at higher risk of deportation, leaving the young boy emotionally callused with no one to turn to for support.
“Tomás’s only social connection was to his employer, who allowed him to sleep in the factory until he found a room to rent in an apartment with other young garment workers,” Canizales wrote.
Many unaccompanied youth like Tomás struggled to find community, leading some down the path of what Canizales described as perdición, or perdition.
This is when youth fall into drugs, get into unhealthy relationships, commit self-harm and more.
“These things are not failings on young people’s part … or immigrants are not inherently destined to do these things,” Canizales stressed. “What I really try to highlight is that anyone without meaningful social ties would fall into these circumstances as a way of coping with the loneliness.”
Despite experiencing hardships, youth would often portray on social media that they are “doing better” in the U.S. than they actually were, which “perpetuates the idea of the American Dream,” Canizales said.
“There is an attempt to save face with the families and communities they’ve left behind,” Canizales said. “They send the best stories of success at work, they send as much as they can in financial remittances and don’t tell families that they are left with $5.”
On the other hand, when youth do form close relationships, they are more likely to experience adaptación.
“There are cases where young people can become materially adapted to what it means to be a worker, or how to use public transit or where to go for groceries,” Canizales said.
Moreover, Canizales said that while writing the book she wanted to “critique the top-down markers of success that we’ve imposed, not just [on] immigrant groups, but [on] society at large.”
Frequently the “success” of “a good immigrant” is measured by socioeconomic markers, such as if they earn a college degree or start a business, Canizales said.
“You are looking at a group of kids who are completely dislocated from childhood, from parent-led households, from K-12 schools, from the U.S. legal system, for indigenous youth, from the Latino category but also just in a society that is both anti-black and anti-indigenous, and anti-immigrant,” Canizales said. “All of these compounded, there was never a chance in heaven on earth or in hell that these young people would be able to accomplish those things because they are just so far from the normative.”
Instead Canizales said she ended all of her interviews by asking the youth what success meant to them.
“Young people said, ‘Success to me is I can sew faster, I learned some skills, I speak a little bit better English, I went from being a dishwasher to a busser, to a server,’ Canizales said. “In that same vein, it was always measuring their emotional selves by those metrics. ‘I was abused in my home country, I was really depressed when I got here, me sentia disorientado and now look at me, I don’t feel as depressed.”
Canizales said she was continuously “shocked” while hearing the stories of youth throughout her six years of research.
“I’m listening to people talk about now a decades-long experience that they were not anticipating, that has been very painful for them,” Canizales said. “But they still hope that tomorrow will be better.”
