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The FEC is actually effective? So says one scholar.

Another argues independent redistricting panels are "smoke and mirrors"

Adam White

Law professor Adam White opens the George Mason Law Review symposium. Attendees were treated to a debate over the effectives of the FEC.

Bill Theobald

Call it the contrarian conference.

While most in the democracy reform movement often find uniform agreement when defining the problems within — and solutions to — the U.S. political system, a Friday forum provided some alternative outlooks.

The Federal Election Commission is a feckless agency frozen by partisan gridlock? Well, not really, one expert argued at the symposium led by the George Mason Law Review.

Independent commissions are the answer to solving political gerrymandering of legislative districts? Well, maybe not, another panelist said.


Scholars had been invited to submit papers that were the basis for their presentations at the event. For those who couldn't attend, those papers will be published in the upcoming edition of the review, published by students of the Antonin Scalia Law School at George Mason University.

During the first panel, a discussion of the administration of campaign finance law, the guest speakers sparred over the nature of FEC, which was created with six commissioners: three Republicans and three Democrats. Critics often say it was designed to fail.

Professor Bradley Smith of the Capital University Law School in Columbus, Ohio, ticked through a list of derisive words used to describe the FEC — from "lap dog" to "pathetic" to "the little agency that can't."

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But Smith, who served on the commission from 2000 to 2005, said he believes Congress wanted to make sure that one party did not use the FEC to run roughshod over the other. And he said the number of decisions in which the commission splits on party lines and can't reach a decision is not as great as what many report.

"The fact is this is not true," said Smith, who studied the percentages of decisions that were stymied by split votes.

Panelist Trevor Potter, president of the Campaign Legal Center and one-time FEC chairman, countered that some of Smith's statistics were misleading because many of the votes taken are non-controversial. On major enforcement and policy issues, he said, the FEC has gridlocked most of the time.

Currently, the FEC is not able to conduct any official business because the resignation of a commissioner in August left the agency without a quorum.

In another session, Jason Torchinsky, a partner in a Washington, D.C. law firm where he specializes in campaign finance and other election issues, argued that independent redistricting commissions are not the panacea that advocates believe they will be.

Torchinsky, who researched the different types of independent commissions, said they don't necessarily take politics out of the process of drawing legislative maps. He called that idea "a lot of smoke and mirrors from the progressive left."

He also raised the issue of whether political accountability to the voters is lost when redistricting is taken away from elected officials.

Other speakers during the daylong symposiums included:

  • Professor Richard Pierce Jr., of the George Washington University Law School, who called for removing limits on donations to candidates, which he hoped would steer money away from political action committees. Pierce also called for improving the quality of disclosure so people can more easily follow who is giving to a candidate.
  • Bob Bauer, former counsel to President Barack Obama and professor at the New York University School of Law, who said the country does not spend enough time or resources on improving the election process. "This country does not take elections seriously enough," he said.

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Our question about the price of freedom received a light response. We asked:

What price have you, your friends or your family paid for the freedom we enjoy? And what price would you willingly pay?

It was a question born out of the horror of images from Ukraine. We hope that the news about the Jan. 6 commission and Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Supreme Court nomination was so riveting that this question was overlooked. We considered another possibility that the images were so traumatic, that our readers didn’t want to consider the question for themselves. We saw the price Ukrainians paid.

One response came from a veteran who noted that being willing to pay the ultimate price for one’s country and surviving was a gift that was repaid over and over throughout his life. “I know exactly what it is like to accept that you are a dead man,” he said. What most closely mirrored my own experience was a respondent who noted her lack of payment in blood, sweat or tears, yet chose to volunteer in helping others exercise their freedom.

Personally, my price includes service to our nation, too. The price I paid was the loss of my former life, which included a husband, a home and a seemingly secure job to enter the political fray with a message of partisan healing and hope for the future. This work isn’t risking my life, but it’s the price I’ve paid.

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Given the earnest question we asked, and the meager responses, I am also left wondering if we think at all about the price of freedom? Or have we all become so entitled to our freedom that we fail to defend freedom for others? Or was the question poorly timed?

I read another respondent’s words as an indicator of his pacifism. And another veteran who simply stated his years of service. And that was it. Four responses to a question that lives in my heart every day. We look forward to hearing Your Take on other topics. Feel free to share questions to which you’d like to respond.

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