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Another Capitol riot lesson: Unconscious biases can have deadly consequences

Insurrection at the Capitol

Racial bias can mean we give people the benefit of the doubt based on the color of their skin, writes Ruiz, comparing security planning on Jan. 6 to last summer's BLM protests.

Jon Cherry/Getty Images

Ruiz is CEO of BiasSync, a business that provides online assessments and training to help organizations reduce unconscious bias in the workplace.


There are many who could shoulder the blame for the attack on the Capitol, and many epic intelligence and security failures that remain to be diagnosed. But there is one clear cause for the paltry defense against the insurrection that should not be ignored: unconscious bias. And, more specifically, confirmation bias and affinity bias.

Warning signs were missed and even disregarded, signs that were publicly right in front of so many — and made clear ahead of Jan. 6 that the loyalists to Donald Trump posed a significant security threat.

Science and research show that unconscious biases cause all of us to make decisions about certain groups of people based on the images, messages and reinforced stereotypes we have experienced or been exposed to in our lives.

We know that law enforcement and security agencies are overwhelmingly white and conservative. We know that the participants and the planners of the attack on democracy were also primarily white and conservative. Bias can mean we give people the benefit of the doubt, and even a pass, when they are like us — and that affinity for similarity can be based on race, gender and group affiliation.

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Security failures were likely partly due to unconscious race bias, favoring a certain group, and also confirmation bias, which can be defined as the tendency to gather evidence that confirms preexisting expectations — typically by emphasizing or pursuing supporting evidence while dismissing or failing to seek contradictory evidence.

The role of affinity bias, which leads us to favor people we have a connection or similarity to, also should not be underestimated.

To illustrate, compare the security response at the Capitol on Jan. 6 to that of June 1, when a Black Lives Matter rally across downtown Washington drew mainly Black protesters and other people of color.

The Washington Post has detailed the stark differences in the preparation for and resulting security response to each. Before the BLM protest, a secure perimeter was created around the White House and guarded by local police in riot gear, the U.S. Park Police, the U.S. Marshals Service and the National Guard. Despite the lack of any attempt to breach the perimeter, those forces dispersed the crowd by force, hitting them with batons and riot shields and deploying tear gas, flash-bang grenades and pepper balls.

In contrast, days before the pro-Trump rally an FBI report warned of a coming "war on the Capitol." Social media posts called for violence with language such as "Congress needs to hear glass breaking, doors being kicked in, and blood ... being spilled." It was widely known the crowd would include members of such extremist groups as the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, Boogaloo Bois, QAnon, neo-Nazis and neo-Confederates, many likely armed. Despite this intelligence, when the crowd arrived there were no Capitol Police in riot gear and no backup from D.C.'s Metropolitan Police or the National Guard. Those reinforcements were not activated until two hours after the attack began.

This difference is because of the classic white vs. Black chasm. Studies show a majority of Americans have a negative Black racial bias, meaning they associate Black people with being much more dangerous, violent and more likely to be criminals than white people.

Study after study blames the images and portrayals in the media (primarily news and entertainment) and family belief systems we're exposed to from a young age. They reinforce stereotypes including white is good and Black is bad.

In the days before Jan. 6, the snap judgments many made were based on such stereotypes along with the mental process that "evaluates" what is similar and known to us and what is different from us. That's how unconscious biases work. No one is immune.

Multiple law enforcement officials have belatedly questioned, The Post reported, whether "investigators failed to register the degree of danger because the overwhelming majority of the participants in the rally were White conservatives."

As a result of the failures before and on Jan. 6, at least five people are dead. Had the security apparatus and law enforcement not fallen into racial, confirmation and affinity bias traps, the prime symbol of our democracy likely would not have been desecrated.

A thorough dissection of the decisions made before and on the day the Capitol was defiled must include a real assessment of the role such biases played. This should be followed by a commitment and a plan to mitigate those dangers in the future.

Training, important for education purposes, is not enough. Awareness strategies, such as bias assessments for individuals to understand how their brains work unconsciously, should be deployed. And processes also need to be put in place for objective threat assessments and the development of response plans, especially because high-stress situations amplify the ability for unconscious biases to kick in.

The threat from extremists and insurrectionists has not ended. It cannot be ignored that those who attacked the Capitol intended to capture or kill members of Congress — and that five families lost loved ones. In other words: Our unconscious biases can kill.

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Our question about the price of freedom received a light response. We asked:

What price have you, your friends or your family paid for the freedom we enjoy? And what price would you willingly pay?

It was a question born out of the horror of images from Ukraine. We hope that the news about the Jan. 6 commission and Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Supreme Court nomination was so riveting that this question was overlooked. We considered another possibility that the images were so traumatic, that our readers didn’t want to consider the question for themselves. We saw the price Ukrainians paid.

One response came from a veteran who noted that being willing to pay the ultimate price for one’s country and surviving was a gift that was repaid over and over throughout his life. “I know exactly what it is like to accept that you are a dead man,” he said. What most closely mirrored my own experience was a respondent who noted her lack of payment in blood, sweat or tears, yet chose to volunteer in helping others exercise their freedom.

Personally, my price includes service to our nation, too. The price I paid was the loss of my former life, which included a husband, a home and a seemingly secure job to enter the political fray with a message of partisan healing and hope for the future. This work isn’t risking my life, but it’s the price I’ve paid.

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Given the earnest question we asked, and the meager responses, I am also left wondering if we think at all about the price of freedom? Or have we all become so entitled to our freedom that we fail to defend freedom for others? Or was the question poorly timed?

I read another respondent’s words as an indicator of his pacifism. And another veteran who simply stated his years of service. And that was it. Four responses to a question that lives in my heart every day. We look forward to hearing Your Take on other topics. Feel free to share questions to which you’d like to respond.

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