FairVote recently hosted its first Twitter Space about ways to #DefendtheBlackVote. The discussion was moderated by FairVote's own Khalid Pitts. It featured guests Jessica Pierce, co-founder of Piece by Piece Strategies; Stefanie Brown James of The Collective PAC; advocate and activist Markus Batchelor; and Axios political reporter Alexi McCammond.
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Open For Business: The U.S. Government
Dec 21, 2024
WASHINGTON, DC — In response to the impending government shutdown deadline, the Senate swiftly passed a bipartisan plan early Saturday. This plan is designed to fund federal operations and provide disaster aid temporarily.
“Tonight, the Senate delivers more good news for America. There will be no government shutdown right before Christmas,” Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) said on the Senate floor ahead of final passage.
The House approved the new bill from House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA.) by a significant margin, with a vote of 366-34. The Senate also passed the bill, with a vote of 85-11, just after the midnight deadline.
The streamlined 118-page package will fund the government at existing levels until March 14 and includes an additional $100 billion in disaster aid and $10 billion in agricultural assistance for farmers.
Notably, the bill does not include President-elect Donald Trump's request to raise the debt ceiling, which GOP leaders indicated will be discussed next year as part of their tax and border proposals.
Trump derailed bipartisan congressional budget negotiations by dismissing the original proposal, claiming it favored Democrats and was laden with excessive spending. This reaction followed social media posts from billionaire Elon Musk.
Musk urged his followers to "Stop the steal of your tax dollars!" on his platform X, suggesting potential primary challenges for those who supported the budget deal. Trump later echoed this sentiment in his own social media post.
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Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), the top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, said it looked like Musk, who is heading up the new Department of Government Efficiency, was calling the shots for Trump and Republicans.
“Who is in charge?” she asked during the debate.
Lawmakers expressed relief after the bill's passage. Still, the narrow escape from a potential shutdown raised concerns among some Republicans about the challenges that may arise next year, particularly with Republicans holding an even slimmer majority in the House and Trump back in office.
President Joe Biden, who maintained a lower public profile during the tumultuous week, anticipated signing the measure into law on Saturday.
Some critics argue that Trump does not share the same apprehension about government shutdowns as lawmakers do, pointing to his role in initiating the longest government shutdown in history during his first term.
A government shutdown occurs when the necessary funding legislation to finance the federal government is not approved before the start of the next fiscal year. During a shutdown, the federal government reduces agency activities and services, halts non-essential operations, furloughs non-essential employees, and retains only essential staff in departments responsible for safeguarding human life or property.
The most significant government shutdowns include:
File:President Barack Obama.jpg - Wikipediaen.m.wikipedia.org
The 16-day shutdown in 2013 during the Barack Obama administration resulted from a disagreement over implementing the Affordable Care Act.
File:Bill Clinton.jpg - Wikipedia en.m.wikipedia.org
The 21-day shutdown of 1995–1996, during President Bill Clinton’s administration, over opposition to major spending cuts.
File:Donald Trump official portrait.jpg - Wikipediaen.m.wikipedia.org
The longest shutdown, lasting 35 days from 2018 to 2019, occurred during the Donald Trump administration and was triggered by a dispute regarding the expansion of barriers along the U.S.–Mexico border.
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The Fulcrum's new executive editor: Hugo Balta
Dec 20, 2024
As co-publishers of The Fulcrum, we are proud to announce that, effective Jan. 1, Hugo Balta, The Fulcrum’s director of solutions journalism and DEI initiatives, will serve as executive editor.
Hugo is an award-winning, 30-year multimedia journalism veteran with multiple market and platform experience, including leadership positions in NBC, Telemundo, ABC, CBS, and PBS, among other storied news networks. A nationally recognized diversity in journalism advocate, he is the recipient of the 2024 Cecilia Vaisman Award from Northwestern University Medill School of Journalism, Media, Integrated Marketing Communications. Hugo is the only person to serve twice as president of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists. Hugo and his family live in Chicago.
He is currently the Publisher of the Latino News Network. LNN’s mission is to provide greater visibility and voice to the Hispanic, Latino community, amplify the work of others in doing the same, mentor and provide young journalists with real work experiences, and apply the principles of solutions journalism in producing stories focused on the social determinants of health, and democracy.
Hugo is also an adjunct professor at Columbia College Chicago, teaching journalism courses. He previously worked as executive editor at the Chicago Reporter, editor at WBBM News Radio, and news director at WTTW Chicago.
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We’ve grown significantly in 2024 and, under Hugo’s leadership, we are confident that our growth will continue as we expand into new areas. We deliver more than 1.4 million web impressions monthly and roughly 380,000 page views per month through our daily newsletter, social media platforms, and numerous other national content-sharing relationships. In addition, in the first eight months of this year, our writings were picked up 3,549 times by local newspapers around the country, which added to our reach considerably.
The Fulcrum is now accredited by Apple News, MSN News, Smart News and the Latino News Network. They pick up our content daily, and we are working to expand our relationship with them and other national platforms in 2025 to engage more citizens on how our evolving democracy can better meet the needs of all the people. We do so by sharing many perspectives to build a pro-democracy constituency of millions of Americans by making it easier to find and act on local and national civic engagement opportunities.
In 2024, we strengthened our working relationship with theMedill School of Journalism at Northwestern University, where young journalists regularly provided reporting for The Fulcrum We are also extremely proud of our working relationship with The OpEd Project, which offers The Fulcrum the opportunity to elevate the ideas and knowledge of underrepresented expert voices to accelerate solutions to the biggest problems facing our nation.
We’d like to give a special thank you to David Meyers, our current executive editor, who has been instrumental in the success of The Fulcrum. David’s vast experience after two decades at CQ Roll Call, a leading publisher of political news and information, was instrumental in guiding The Fulcrum team to the success we are now experiencing. David will be starting a new job in January with OpenSecrets as director of communications and marketing.
Despite our successes in 2024, we will not rest on our laurels. 2025 allows us to solidify further our position as a leading outlet for news and opinion so insiders and outsiders to politics are informed, meet, talk and act to repair our democracy and make it work in their everyday lives. Our dedication to a solutions journalism model will continue as we explore what is dividing us on the issues, what information can be trusted, what is oversimplified about the issues, and the nuances and complexities of the many problems facing our nation.
Please contact Hugo at hugo@thefulcrum.us to submit your op-ed proposal, suggest news stories and news or ask questions.
Becvar is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and executive director of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund. Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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Big Tech is suppressing industrial liberty
Dec 20, 2024
This is the second entry in “Big Tech and Democracy,” a series designed to assist American citizens in understanding the impact technology is having — and will have — on our democracy. The series explores the benefits and risks that lie ahead and offers possible solutions.
Industrial liberty — once a cornerstone of American antitrust policy — has faded into obscurity in the shadow of Big Tech’s overwhelming dominance. In short, industrial liberty refers to your ability to use and benefit from your skills, your knowledge and your passion. It manifests as entrepreneurs and small-business owners, through patents and innovations, and as everyday folks finding good work every day. This erosion of this specific sort of liberty not only undermines the principles of competition but also stifles the aspirational spirit that has for so long distinguished the American public.
By concentrating power and leveraging their dominance to crush competition, companies like Amazon, Google and Meta suppress industrial liberty, extinguishing the incentive for new entrants to challenge the status quo. The result? An economy that serves entrenched monopolies instead of fostering opportunity.
Historically, the public interest standard set forth in Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act was intertwined with industrial liberty. Drafters of the FTC Act wanted to make sure the agency prioritized enforcement actions that had wide-reaching ramifications and that, once resolved, would further industrial liberty. As figures like Justice Louis Brandeis emphasized, this broader policy approach was not just about preventing excessive prices or abusive practices; it was about empowering individuals — producers, workers and consumers alike — to thrive on a level economic playing field. Industrial liberty ensured that individuals could apply their talents and ambitions without being stymied by monopolistic giants. Yet today, the focus of antitrust enforcement has veered away from this principle, favoring superficial metrics and toothless regulatory action that allow Big Tech to dominate unimpeded.
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This shift is exemplified in the Federal Trade Commission’s diminishing adherence to its statutory mandate to act only in cases that serve a “specific and substantial” public interest. As Brandeis asserted, this standard requires more than avoiding private disputes; it demands a clear and measurable benefit to the public. Unfortunately, modern antitrust enforcement often appears blind to this mandate, pursuing cases that fail to directly confront Big Tech’s stranglehold while draining resources on marginal players. When they do seek out Big Tech, enforcers have commonly relied on questionable legal theories with low odds of success. This combination of strategies has left Americans in an undesirable position.
Consider the FTC’s recent complaint against a small generative AI developer accused of enabling deceptive product reviews. The case lacked any evidence of actual harm, let alone a substantial public interest rationale. Meanwhile, tech behemoths use their dominance to undermine competition in emerging markets like artificial intelligence. Instead of targeting these systemic threats, the FTC’s actions often discourage small-scale innovation — precisely the opposite of what industrial liberty aims to protect.
Big Tech’s behavior exemplifies the need for a renewed commitment to industrial liberty. These companies don’t just compete; they engulf entire industries, leveraging their ecosystems to deter rivals. The ease with which you find yourself buying products on Amazon, searching on Google or scrolling on Meta's platforms are all indicative of markets being saturated by a handful of major players. This market ecosystem not only limits consumer choice but oftentimes also discourages potential competitors from entering the market, fearing insurmountable barriers.
Restoring industrial liberty requires regulatory courage. Antitrust enforcement must shift its focus back to creating space for new competitors, especially in emerging industries like AI and renewable energy. By applying the public interest standard rigorously and targeting enforcement against the most egregious anti-competitive behaviors, regulators can foster a climate of innovation and opportunity.
Congress, too, has a role to play. The lawmakers who championed antitrust legislation in the early 20th century recognized that economic concentration posed a threat not just to markets but to democracy itself. Their vision of industrial liberty as a pillar of American life must guide modern legislative efforts. Proposals to curb Big Tech’s market power, such as limiting acquisitions of nascent competitors or imposing stricter interoperability requirements, align with this tradition.
The erosion of industrial liberty is not merely an economic issue; it is a democratic one. A society that tolerates monopolistic dominance is one where individual initiative and creativity are subordinated to corporate power. Reviving the principles of industrial liberty would not only enhance economic dynamism but also reaffirm the democratic values that underpin American antitrust law.
Realization of those ends, however, does not require revolutionary means. We don't need to bankrupt Big Tech but merely reorient it around the values these companies claim as their own. It should not be forgotten that many of these companies have greatly increased our collective capacity to learn, to explore and to connect. They directly employ thousands and have positive economic impacts on many more. And, in many cases, they have used their successes to benefit their surrounding communities. The issue is that we can and should expect Big Tech to do all these things at an even greater scale. The exceptional things should be the norm.
The FTC, Congress and the courts must embrace this challenge. By restoring industrial liberty as the guiding principle of antitrust enforcement, they can dismantle the barriers that Big Tech erects and pave the way for a new generation of entrepreneurs. The stakes are clear: Either we reclaim industrial liberty as a cornerstone of our economy, or we allow Big Tech to stifle the entrepreneurial spirit that defines the American dream.
Frazier is an assistant professor at the Crump College of Law at St. Thomas University and a Tarbell fellow.
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The potential false dichotomy of rethinking DEI
Dec 20, 2024
The notion that we can "rethink" DEI reflects a dangerous oversimplification of deeply rooted historical and social issues. This intellectual approach, while well-intentioned, often needs to be revised and is potentially harmful to those who have experienced the real-world consequences of systemic inequities.
Meaningful change requires more than mere philosophical reconsideration or academic debate — it demands concrete action, institutional reform and a genuine willingness to confront uncomfortable truths. Actual progress necessitates critical thinking, practical applications and sustained commitment to transformative action at both individual and societal levels.
While the current discourse around "rethinking" diversity, equity and inclusion has become increasingly polarized — particularly after recent Supreme Court decisions and corporate policy shifts — it's crucial to distinguish between honest exploration and attempts to undermine DEI's fundamental validity. When approached with integrity and good faith, the process of refinement and critical examination strengthens rather than weakens DEI initiatives, much like how scientific theories become more robust through rigorous peer review and methodological scrutiny. For many academics, business leaders and social advocates, the call to "rethink" DEI is an innocuous, intellectually prudent and socially responsible enterprise grounded in recognizing that any significant institutional change requires periodic assessment and adaptation.
The key lies in recognizing that thoughtful reassessment of implementation strategies — such as evaluating the effectiveness of unconscious bias training, measuring the impact of mentorship programs or analyzing recruitment methodologies — differs fundamentally from efforts to dismantle or delegitimize DEI's core mission. This distinction becomes particularly vital when considering that DEI's ultimate goal is the fundamental transformation of our civic and democratic institutions — a transformation that requires ongoing dialogue, assessment and evolution, similar to other historic social movements like civil rights, women's suffrage or disability rights advocacy.
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In practice, this means creating spaces where constructive criticism can coexist with a mutual commitment to equity, questioning ways and means without questioning the moral imperative of inclusion and where refinements to approach are seen not as admissions of failure but as signs of programmatic maturity and institutional wisdom.
As a scholar-practitioner, I recognize the complexity of realizing DEI. I respect the suppositions of colleagues that nuanced discussion transcends reflexive opposition and requires uncritical acceptance. It is important that discourse concerning equity and uneven distribution of opportunities is clear in definitions and goals: Are we pursuing equality of opportunity, addressing systemic barriers or working toward more comprehensive social transformation? Such questions deserve careful consideration, not as a means of undermining DEI, but as a way to strengthen its effectiveness and broaden its impact. Success in this endeavor requires moving beyond ad hominem arguments that dismiss perspectives based on the speaker's background — whether privileged or marginalized — and instead focusing on the substance of ideas and their potential to advance genuine equity.
Moreover, well-intentioned questioning or respectful ideological attacks that challenge my and other DEI advocates’ hermeneutical suspicion rather than engaging with the substance of equity itself reveal not only the weakness of their position but their deep discomfort with confronting America's moral debt to those marginalized, other-ed and disenfranchised. Until America fully confronts its moral character, history and present reality of systemic inequality — until we achieve a truly inclusive and pluralist democracy — DEI will remain relevant and essential.
The real question isn't whether we should "rethink" DEI but rather why we resist its basic premise: Everyone deserves equal opportunity and dignity in our civic and capitalistic life. For those facing systemic barriers and institutional exclusion, such intellectual exercises are not merely academic or legislative — they represent an existential threat to hard-won progress toward a more equitable society.
The path forward lies in grounding DEI advocacy in data, facts and demonstrated outcomes while remaining open to acknowledging its points of uplift and areas needing improvement. Rather than engaging in polemics, effective DEI work must counter misconceptions with evidence, appeal to shared values of fairness and respect, and maintain the courage to acknowledge when specific practices need adjustment. This approach recognizes deliberate building toward a representative, diverse and inclusive nation requires more than ideological certainty — it demands practical wisdom, empirical evidence and the ability to engage constructively with diverse perspectives while maintaining fidelity to core principles of equity and justice.
Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.
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