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Reasons For Hope in 2025
Jan 24, 2025
As a new year dawns, it’s hard not to feel anxiety about what’s coming next, especially when it comes to American democracy. At times like these, one can feel the urge to check out or hunker down, to turn inward. But it’s important to remember that all this flux and tumult can create important openings for transformation. How we act and what visions for the future we advance when those openings occur are critical.
My way of not giving in to despair and apathy amid all this uncertainty is to look for sources of hope, to find in uncertainty itself reasons for hope. Happily, once you look for the places where hope and imagination live, you find it in ample supply. As part of the research I conducted for Democracy Funders Network’s Imagining Better Futures for American Democracy report, I talked to dozens of visionaries who were imagining and creating new and better ways of being with one another, with nature, with technology, and with the planet. The final section of that paper, titled Inspiration, is my curated compilation of examples of what better futures could look like in real life and in the imagination. Whenever I feel the pull of pessimism, I turn back to those examples.
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Paradoxically, the challenge for me now is keeping up with all the examples of good work, charting the path to better futures, and figuring out how they can be connected for greater collective impact and systemic change. Since I began an intentional practice of recording bright spots more than two years ago, I’ve developed a strong network of thinkers, aggregators, innovators, and creators I didn’t even know existed when I started my research. Their ideas and energy are a bulwark against the corrosive, soul-crushing, aperture-narrowing impact of the dystopian media and political environment we inhabit.
So, as we enter 2025, here are some reasons for hope I’d like to share, some happening here in the US, some further afield. Many are examples of dynamic ways to practice democracy better and to think about how we design systems and use resources for the common good.
Governance Innovations
Civic or citizens’ assemblies. These deliberative processes convene a representative sample of randomly selected people to solve problems together. While especially common in Europe, they are gaining some steam in the US and elsewhere.
Democracy Vouchers. This campaign finance innovation provides vouchers to residents to enable them to donate to political campaigns. This empowers local citizens to participate in elections and puts more pressure on candidates to campaign in the community, not simply cater to wealthy donors.
Fort Collins, Colorado’s Futures Committee. To my knowledge, this is the first city council committee explicitly focused on the longer-term future. Please let me know if there are others.
Future Design. A simple practice that involves imaginary time travel and role-play allows participants to develop empathy for future generations and to engage in bolder thinking about how to solve problems today. It was developed in Japan but is starting to gain currency in other parts of the world.
Intergenerational Fairness Frameworks allow leaders to better understand the consequences of their policy decisions on people living today and in the future so they are fair across generations. They create evaluation mechanisms to assess public policies systematically.
Participatory Budgetingis a democratic practice that allows community members to decide how portions of their budget are allocated and spent.
UN Summit of the Future is a seminal gathering that occurred in 2024 and led to the adoption of a Declaration on Future Generations and of a Pact for the Future. Like the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this bold new framework has the potential to transform how nations think about their roles and obligations to future generations.
Wales’ Well-being of Future Generations Act of 2015 is the first legislation of its kind to require the government to focus on wellbeing and the impact of its actions on future generations. It creates new institutional roles, like the Future Generations Commissioner, to advocate on behalf of future generations.
Innovative organizations and networks
Dark Matter Labs. Recognizing the complex, entangled reality of living systems, Dark Matter Labs explores alternative pathways for organizing society and stewarding the shared planetary commons.
Democracy 2076. This organization is dedicated to working towards brighter futures for our democracy in 2076 by focusing on constitutional reform, popular culture and narrative, and political party realignment.
Future Caucus. This organization brings a growing number of young lawmakers together to work in a productive, bipartisan way for the common good and model constructive, collaborative practice.
Futurific Studios supports the creation of protopian content to imagine better futures ahead. Futurific funded A Brief History of the Future, a PBS series conceived by Ari Wallach that highlights several promising governance innovations.
Governance Futures Network. This network of doers and visionaries is experimenting with how to design and test governance systems able to address 21st-century problems and deliver better outcomes for people and the planet now and into the future.
Next Generation Foresight Practitioners Network. Next Generation Foresight Practitioners are a network of over 900 people from all over the world who are using futures thinking and strategic foresight to create positive impact and systemic transformation globally.
Our Children’s Trust. This novel legal organization brings lawsuits on behalf of young people to ensure a sustainable planet for generations to come, enshrining new rights to a healthy natural environment.
School of International Futures uses structured thinking about the future to usher in global transformations in systems and policy that create an equitable and sustainable world for future generations.
Wellbeing Economy Alliance is a global network seeking to design an economy that serves both people and the planet. In such an economy, rules, norms, and incentives deliver flourishing for all people in harmony with our natural environment.
If this list doesn’t lift your spirits, try subscribing to Futurepolis, Next City, Progress Network, and Reasons to be Cheerful and lose yourself in rabbit holes of possibility.
Suzette Brooks Masters is Senior Fellow and Director of the Better Futures Project at Democracy Funders Network.
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Trump fans brave frigid temperatures to cheer his second inauguration
Jan 24, 2025
The Fulcrum is proud to partner with Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism, Media, Integrated Marketing Communications in amplifying the work of young journalists.
This collaborative coverage of Donald Trump's second inauguration profiles some of the many supporters who traveled to Washington, DC for the event.
WASHINGTON – Judd Zimmermann’s daughter hasn’t spoken to him since November because of his support for Donald Trump. His wife voted for Kamala Harris.
“It’s like the Civil War. It’s breaking a lot of families apart,” said Zimmermann.
Despite the pain Trump’s election had caused his family, he traveled from Woodbridge, Va., to attend his president’s inauguration. Dressed warmly with a can of beer in hand, he joined thousands of other Trump supporters standing in line to enter the Capital One Arena on Jan. 20.
Due to chilly D.C. weather, the inauguration ceremony, usually held on the steps of the Capitol, was moved indoors to the Capitol Rotunda and closed to the public. Instead, the Capital One Arena hosted a live stream of the proceedings, and Trump greeted supporters there in the early evening.
The location was not the only unconventional aspect of the inauguration. A convicted felon, Trump became only the second president ever sworn into non-consecutive terms. He returned to office four years after his supporters stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6 in response to his accusations that President Joe Biden stole the election.
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Trump fans brave frigid temperatures to cheer his second inauguration Joshua Sukoff/Medill News Service
Outside the arena, vendors hawked Trump merchandise, members of religious groups carried 15-feet-tall signs calling for repentance, and a pair of counterprotesters blared anti-Trump slogans through a megaphone.
Anti-immigration activist Patty Morin came from Maryland. She said she became engaged with the issue after her daughter Rachel Morin was brutally raped and murdered in Harford County, Md., in the summer of 2023; authorities later identified the suspect as a Salvadoran immigrant.
Last year, Morin spoke at three Trump rallies, she said and testified before Congress twice. She urged Trump to close the border to illegal immigration.
“I believe that he will, in a humane way, do this deportation that is necessary for the security of our nation,” she said.
In the first hours of his presidency, Trump, who campaigned heavily on immigration issues, signed a flurry of executive orders, including to declare a national emergency at the southern border and to close the border to migrants without legal status.
Morin defended Trump’s brusk behavior.
“He's from Brooklyn, N.Y., so he's kind of rough around the edges. But, I mean, don't you have friends that are kind of like that, too?” she said about the new president. Trump was, in fact, born and raised in Queens, not Brooklyn.
Three students from George Washington University had tried to avoid the throngs of people but accidentally ended up in the crowd on their way home from a workout.
“DC is definitely in a state of mourning. I think half the city probably left,” Gabi Andrews, a junior, said.
The inauguration also drew visitors from abroad.
Mark Nicholls caught a plane from Heathrow last night just to witness Donald Trump’s inauguration. Braving the 20-degree weather to stand in line for the arena, the U.K. citizen welcomed a president who was not even his own.
He named immigration as the biggest problem facing the West today.
“I think this open border policy, where anyone can waltz in and there's no check-in, is a big problem. And that's what's happening in Europe and in the U.K.,” said Nicholls.
He said he expected Trump to take care of immigration issues in the United States, which will have a “domino effect” on policy across the globe.
“It's a chance for the world to realign itself,” he added.
Trump fans from around the country and abroad brave frigid temperatures to cheer his second inauguration was first published by Medill News Service, and republished with permission.
This story was produced by Sasha Draeger-Mazer, Sofia Sorochinskaia, Edward Simon Cruz, and Rachel Spears, student reporters for Medill News Service.
Sasha Draeger-Mazer is a national security reporter for Medill News Service and studies journalism and political science at Northwestern University.
Sofia Sorochinskaia is a national security reporter for Medill News Service and studies at Northwestern University.
Joshua Sukoff is a photojournalist from Long Island, New York. He is currently studying journalism at Northwestern University.
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The Power of Outrage and Keeping Everyone Guessing
Jan 23, 2025
Donald Trump loves to keep us guessing. This is exactly what we’re all doing as his second term in the White House begins. It’s one way he controls the narrative.
Trump’s off the cuff, unfiltered, controversial statements infuriate opponents and delight his supporters. The rest of us are left trying to figure out the difference between the shenanigans and when he’s actually serious.
At a recent news conference, Trump was in an expansionist mood, telling reporters he wants to take over Greenland, annex Canada, and return the Panama Canal to U.S. control. But is this all a part of a negotiating strategy to get something else?
For extra measure, he also declared “all hell will break out” if a deal to release Israeli hostages held by Hamas was not done before his inauguration on January 20, 2025. Both Israel and Hamas wanted to avoid finding out what his comments mean as both sides reached a ceasefire agreement within days of Trump’s threat. Now he’s getting credit for movement in negotiations that had been stalled for months.
Will the next four years be like his first administration? Yes and no. While Trump himself doesn’t appear to have changed much, apart from getting older (quite a bit older) and more experienced in the ways of Washington, his administration could be far more disciplined than the chaotic first four years.
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Susie Wiles, the incoming chief of staff—Trump’s closest advisor—says backbiting and drama won’t be tolerated in this White House. Wiles is a politico pro, seen as a steady and experienced hand who played a key role in Trump’s well-run 2024 campaign. She will control information and access to the Oval Office, set the president’s daily agenda, and manage his White House staff.
Unlike the first time around, Trump’s top picks for his second term were announced very quickly. All but a few nominees are poised to win easy approval in the Republican-run Senate.
From Robert F. Kennedy Jr. at HEW and Tulsi Gabbard as director of National Intelligence to Scott Bessant at Treasury and Marco Rubio at State, the new administration will include a surprisingly broad range of opinions, from brash tech entrepreneurs to traditional corporate conservatives, to conspiracy theorists, and Make America Great Again (MAGA) populists.
Are diverse viewpoints a sign of confident strength or mere confusion and chaos? We are kept guessing and only time will tell.
While the president-to-be and his loudmouth MAGA allies have cowered all but a handful of Republicans in Congress, the Trump coalition is already facing a bitter split over immigration. Elon Musk, Vivek Ramaswamy, and the big business wing of the Republican Party think that admitting more skilled immigrants, including brainy scientists and technology wizards, would be good for business innovation and the economy. Trump’s hardcore populist supporters want to shut the door on newcomers. So far, Trump seems to be siding with Musk.
We know that many will be angered by what Trump does, but exactly who he surprises and who he offends is almost impossible to predict. Despite what you may read from ever-confident pundits online or in the columns of your favorite newspaper, we’re all guessing. Perhaps that is all part of Trump's negotiating strategy.
In a best-case scenario, a second Trump administration will boost growth, reduce undocumented immigration in an orderly way, manage China, and broker a ceasefire in Ukraine. But the worst case would include an assault on democratic norms and trust in public institutions, along with more political polarization and violence in the streets. Under Trump, the U.S. may help Putin and America’s adversaries by turning its back on long-time allies, undermining NATO and Ukraine, and getting into a full-on trade war with China, leading to higher inflation and an economic crisis.
The possible outcomes range from exhilarating to deeply alarming.
For almost a decade Donald Trump and his MAGA movement have been banging at the gates of power, challenging the elite, and ridiculing the government. And now there's a chance to prove they can go from complaining about the problem to implementing solutions.
Now he’s in charge. It’s his show. His supporters are a new establishment.
So this question for the next leader of the free world: Will you lift up more than you tear down? We’re still guessing what the outcomes will be.
Richard Davies is a podcast consultant, host, and solutions journalist at daviescontent.com.
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To help heal divides, we must cut “the media” some slack
Jan 23, 2025
A few days ago, Donald Trump was inaugurated. In his second term, just as in his first, he’ll likely spark passionate disagreements about news media: what is “fake news” and what isn’t, which media sources should be trusted and which should be doubted.
We know we have a media distrust problem. Recently it hit an all-time low: the percentage of Americans with "not very much" trust in the media has risen from 27% in 2020 to 33% in 2024.
We think most would agree we want high trust in news. However, this growing distrust isn’t only about news quality; it’s also a manifestation of our toxic political divides. Many are, of course, angry at news outlets they associate with the “other side.” But many also have grievances against outlets largely aligned with their worldview when they think they’re not doing enough to support the “good guys” or fight the “bad guys.” Our stressful divides lead to us being upset about many things—and, unsurprisingly, this applies to our views of “the media.”
Amidst this rising distrust, it’s worth asking: Are we sometimes too angry at “the media”? We know many people have overly pessimistic views of their political opponents and that this “undue hate” helps drive polarization. Could excessive anger at “the media” also be contributing to our divides? If so, is there value in thinking about “the media” in more nuanced ways?
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We can examine this question while acknowledging that news outlets, intentionally or not, do contribute to polarization. News outlets too often seem to cater to their audiences’ existing views which helps people stay in information bubbles. They tend to focus too much on divisive narratives and divisive leaders—and those choices influence our views of what politics can and should be. There are many criticisms we can and should make of news outlets; we must encourage them to do better. But we should also consider whether there’s value in tempering that criticism with empathy and understanding.
Some anger is based on a perception that “the media” is a powerful institution pulling the strings of society. But as media scholar Elizaveta Friesem points out: “Media is just us; it’s just people communicating with each other.”
Journalists are people, like us. They’re not omniscient arbiters of truth (even as their approaches, at times, make it seem like they think they are). Like us, they’re dealing with our confusing and stressful divides as well as a fractured and competitive information landscape. Journalists have conscious and unconscious biases, as we all do. And combatting our own biases is difficult—especially when we have such divergent political narratives.
For example, the New York Times is accused by many of having an extensive liberal bias—but some on the left accuse them of “enabling right-wing spin”, or even of being pro-Trump. Regardless of what you think of the New York Times, the point is that no matter the approach a news outlet takes, it’ll inevitably anger many people who have different politics. Acknowledging that reality can help us better understand the stress that our divides place on media creators.
Some of our frustration with the news is due to people simply not understanding their political opponents. When we’re in conflict, we find it hard to see our adversaries’ point of view. This difficulty is what leads to so many people accusing the “other side” of being brainwashed, of being in a cult, and of creating or believing propaganda. As our narratives diverge more and more, our opponents’ beliefs seem increasingly alien, inexplicable—even downright scary.
A grievance from conservative audiences is that many in the mainstream news have interpreted Trump’s statements in biased and overly pessimistic ways. Many conservatives see that as part of a malicious smear campaign. But there are other explanations for such things besides purposeful deception. Simply put, it’s just easy for people to arrive at very different stances, especially for issues associated with our divides. People’s views about Trump’s statements can vary depending on how they interpret his words and intentions, or how they connect his words to what he’s said in the past on the same issue. This dynamic happens on both sides of every conflict.
Of course, some people do promote information they know is false or misleading. We know our divides can make people think the ends justify the means. But often bias is a much simpler explanation than purposeful deception. We aren’t good at distinguishing genuine belief from deception—and this means we’ll often make mistakes about our political opponents.
Some talk nostalgically about the “golden age” of journalism in the 20th century as if it was a time of high-quality reporting and strong consensus. But we should recognize our rosy perceptions of that time may be largely an illusion, influenced by there being only a handful of powerful news outlets at that time. Some argue our current media fragmentation represents a return to a pre-golden-age environment where a multitude of competing narratives were found across many small newspapers and pamphlets.
No matter how we got here, today’s media is a reflection of our society and the people in it. To reduce political toxicity, we must criticize news outlets and demand that they do better. But if we temper our criticisms with empathy and understanding, we’ll be more persuasive—more likely to be heard and listened to. Maybe someday, we’ll find our way to a new age of trusted news.
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