CIRCLE, the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning & Engagement, focuses on young people in the United States, especially those who are marginalized or disadvantaged in political life. CIRCLE's scholarly research informs policy and practice for healthier youth development and a better democracy.
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New Orleans LGBTQ+ Community Fights for Recognition
Aug 30, 2026
NEW ORLEANS, Louisiana — a city shaped by more than three centuries of cultural exchange — is once again confronting a political reality that diverges sharply from the rest of the state. The Crescent City remains a cultural refuge for queer and trans residents, yet statewide policies have increasingly restricted legal protections, creating a widening disconnect between lived experience and state law.
The LGBTQ+ community is entering one of its most consequential periods in recent memory, driven by escalating statewide anti‑LGBTQ+ legislation and a surge in local organizing. Leading organizations — including Forum for Equality and Human Rights Campaign (HRC) New Orleans — say the stakes have never been higher as lawmakers prepare for another legislative session expected to include bills targeting transgender residents, workplace protections, and civil rights.
Advocates say the wave of anti‑trans legislation has become the central civic concern for LGBTQ+ New Orleanians. Scott Roos, Chair of Forum for Equality, explained that the newest laws are designed to erase legal recognition of transgender people, noting that lawmakers replaced gender references in state statutes with “sex determined at birth.” “One of the things he (Governor Jeff Landry) passed in this past legislative session was removing gender from all state laws... removing gender out of state law and replacing it with sex determined at birth has really only one action, and that's to punish trans people,” Roos said. “…but still in principle, it's an affront and an insult to all trans people in the state.”
I spoke with Roos for an episode of The Fulcrum's award-winning series The 50: Voices of a Nation, on how local protections collide with statewide restrictions in Louisiana’s LGBTQ+ policy fight.
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Forum for Equality, Louisiana’s oldest statewide LGBTQ+ civil‑rights organization, has sharpened its focus on defeating bills that would erase transgender people from state law and undermine workplace protections. The group is actively fighting HB 578, the “Restoring Biological Truth Act,” which removes the word gender from dozens of Louisiana statutes, and HB 1137, which shields employees who deliberately misgender coworkers. It is also supporting HB 808, a bill modernizing Louisiana’s HIV criminalization laws, while continuing its decades‑long push for statewide employment non‑discrimination protections. A broad coalition of civic leaders and sponsors backs its advocacy.
Roos says the political climate shaped by President Donald Trump has set the tone for Louisiana politics — an environment Governor Landry operates within as conservative lawmakers advance bills they fear opposing could jeopardize their standing in local elections. Roos points to a newly enacted workplace‑speech law as a prime example. “The other state law they passed was you as an employer or as a business can no longer discipline your employees for misgendering another employee. So if one employee misgenders or uses the wrong name on another employee, you can no longer file an HR complaint in the state... In principle, it's an affront and an insult to all trans people in the state.”
As sweeping state laws override many local protections, transgender safety, healthcare access, and workplace rights have become the primary organizing focus for the city’s LGBTQ+ community. Randy Evans of Forum for Equality says the organization is fighting to slow the pace of legislation targeting LGBTQ+ residents. “So, the organization I'm with is doing everything we can to stop the bad bills and to promote good bills. And, it's a very, very difficult fight right now, particularly now that we have a Republican governor,” Evans said. “…all we can do is try to slow down the freight train that's running down the tracks towards us.”
Evans emphasizes that long‑term progress requires building relationships rather than relying on pressure tactics. Reflecting on past legislative wins, he said, “We weren't trying to intimidate people. We weren't trying to coerce people in any way. We were changing hearts and minds, and that's why it passed, and that's why it's never going to be repealed. When you coerce someone, you create an enemy—you create a problem for you for the rest of your life. When you interact with someone on a respectful level, and you work to change their hearts and mind, you create an ally for the rest of your life. Those are two very different outcomes.”
As the broader gay community has secured key legislative victories, organizers note that the transgender community is fighting for the same visibility, representation, and basic equity. “And now the trans community is looking for that same type of visibility, representation, equity,” Brent Mundt, an LGBTQ+ community advocate, said. “…because unfortunately there isn't true representation of the LGBT community at the local, state, let alone federal level.”
For LGBTQ+ youth navigating school and the challenges of coming out, safe environments are essential. Groups like Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG) New Orleans and the HRC help provide these spaces, offering support for students facing bullying and isolation. But inside schools, support is limited. “If there's sixty school buildings in New Orleans, only five have any modicum of a place for you to go. So from the other fifty‑five schools, those kids who can show up, meet other people like them, learn how to come out to their parents, learn how to navigate the minefield of their own school—I feel as though that's the whole reason we're doing this,” Mundt said. With an estimated 1,500 to 2,000 LGBTQ+ students in the city, most lack in‑school resources.
The political climate has also shaped how LGBTQ+ residents interact with the legal system. Judge Simone Levine says statewide rhetoric often discourages marginalized groups from seeking help. “People feel that they cannot speak up for themselves,” Levine said. “They won’t even give these actors a chance because they’ll say, ‘I’m not going to be heard.’” To rebuild trust, some judges are engaging directly with community organizations. “This court hears you. This court will give you the respect you deserve. This court wants you to engage,” she said.
New Orleans’ LGBTQ+ leaders say the coming legislative session will test the resilience of a community long accustomed to navigating political headwinds. Whether through courtroom outreach, school-based support, or statewide advocacy, they argue that the fight for dignity, safety, and legal recognition is far from over—but the city’s commitment to its queer and trans residents remains unwavering.
The The 50: Voices of a Nation is a four‑year multimedia initiative from The Fulcrum traveling to communities in every state to document the challenges and opportunities shaping civic life across the country. Through deeply reported, on‑the‑ground storytelling, the project examines how the Donald Trump administration is responding to those hopes and concerns — and elevates civic‑focused organizations working to inform, educate, and empower the public to take part in strengthening American democracy.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.
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The United States Capitol building in Washington DC during the golden hour
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Do Six Political Factions Cause Congressional Gridlock?
Aug 29, 2026
A recent congressional voting record report of our 535 delegates in D.C., published by the Institute of Legislative Analysis, found that significant voting behavior shifts have occurred within both major political parties over the past three years.
According to tracking from YouGov and Marquette Law School, roughly 28% to 35% of self-identified Republicans explicitly state they are not Trump- MAGA fans. Meanwhile, data published by the Pew Research Center shows that 67% of Democrats are frustrated with their political party.
Confusion reigns in Congress and among 342 million Americans.
It should come as no surprise that the political landscape features distinct wings within both major parties. While the phrase “Do Nothing Congress” originated during Harry Truman’s 1948 presidential campaign, research shows it re-emerged during the Trump 1.0 administration (2017) and remains today.
Political gridlock is real, and it may be partly because we have six distinct political factions within the two parties fighting each other on Capitol Hill.
Three factions of the Republican Party
MAGA Republicans (Right-Wing Populists)
The core philosophy of this GOP faction heavily prioritizes loyalty to President Trump, Stephen Miller, and an “America First” agenda. Their key policies include aggressive use of tariffs, mass deportations, tight immigration restrictions, strict border isolationism, skepticism toward NATO, the United Nations, and foreign-aid relief, exercising domestic and foreign military might, and pushing back on diversity, equity, inclusion, racial awareness, sexism, and constitutional rights. Sen. Chuck Grassley (IA), Rep. Ashley Hinson (IA), and Rep. Jim Jordan (OH) are right-wing populists.
Traditional Republicans (The Establishment/Pre-2016 Right)
The traditional GOP’s core philosophy is constitutional conservatism, norms, and institutional stability. Their key policies include free-market capitalism, strong opposition to broad tariffs, low corporate and personal income taxes, foreign policy that favors alliances with other countries, and cutting federal spending and the federal debt. Traditional GOP includes Sen. Mitch McConnell (KY), Sen. Susan Collins (ME), Sen. John Thune (SD), Rep. Tom Cole (OK), and Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (PA).
Right-Wing Republicans (Social and Religious Conservatives)
The core philosophy of this group is viewing politics primarily through a cultural, moral, and faith-based lens. Their key policies are grounded in restriction of abortion access, opposition to LGBTQ+, strong advocacy for school choice, integrating religious expression into public life, and robust defense of religious liberty exemptions for businesses and institutions. Rep. Mike Johnson (LA), Sen. Ted Cruz (TX), Sen Josh Hawley (MO), and Sen. Rick Scott (FL) are examples of the cultural conservative wing.
Three factions of the Democratic Party
Traditional Democrats (The Moderate/Center-Left Establishment)
The core philosophy of this faction is leveraging existing government systems to achieve steady social and economic progress. Their key policies focus on regulated capitalism, relying on targeted tax credits and public-private partnerships, strong support for NATO and United Nations, global diplomacy with 181 other countries, and balancing border security with paths to legal status. Politicians like Rep. Amy Klobuchar (MN), Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (NY), Sen. Chuck Schumer (NY), Sen. Chris Coons (DE) and Sen. Mark Kelly (AZ) best represent this entity.
Progressive Democrats
The Progressive Democrats' core philosophy centers on social justice. Their key policies include aggressive green infrastructure mandates, phasing out fossil fuels, expanding civil rights, criminal justice reform, strong protections for gender identity, and substantial corporate tax hikes to fund universal childcare and paid family leave. Progressive Democrats include Sen. Elizabeth Warren (MA), Sen. Ed Markey (MA), Rep. Parmila Jaytapal (WA), and Rep. Ro Khanna (CA).
Socialist Democrats (Democratic Socialists)
The core philosophy of this wing is to advocate for massive wealth redistribution and democratic control over the economy. Their key policies include Medicare for all, federal job guarantees, universal rent control, tuition-free public college, unionized workforce mandates across all employment sectors, a sharp reduction in defense spending, and a foreign policy focusing on global human rights rather than American military dominance. Sen. Bernie Sanders (VT), Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY), Rep. Summer Lee (PA), and Rep. Rashida Tlaib (MI) are left-wing advocates.
Hope springs eternal
Maybe by knowing we have six distinct political factions within two political entities operating in D.C., it may help you understand why we have an unproductive and divisive `Do Nothing Congress.’
Four concrete, structural recommendations address the partisan gridlock on Capitol Hill that would help lawmakers deliver results. First, reinstate the Joint Bipartisan Committee, which would mandate bipartisan member retreats at the start of each session and the sharing of staff resources.
Next, the House and Senate need to have the same calendar of working and constituent service days so they can meet across chambers and create better working relationships.
Then, expanding the “Rule of 49” would allow bills to be debated, rather than the current situation where leadership can block bills from any discussion.
Finally, our 535 delegates need to establish a joint bicameral task force to focus on “kitchen table” infrastructure topics where consensus agreement already exists (e.g., modernized grid infrastructure, expanding rural broadband access, strengthening domestic manufacturing, banning congressional stock trading, etc.).
Voting in the Nov. 3 “mid-term” election and Nov. 7, 2028 presidential elections is where `We the People’ can start eradicating the political gridlock by voting for candidates who will endeavor to move to the middle of their political party and vow to represent Americans in a give-and-take and across-the-aisle bipartisan cooperative manner, advocate for legislation, term limits, and abide by the Constitution.
Steve Corbin is a Professor Emeritus of Marketing at the University of Northern Iowa and a non-paid freelance guest columnist and contributor to 148 newspapers and 37 social media platforms in 44 states.
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Go Home
Aug 29, 2026
The distance from Washington, D.C., to my hometown of York, Pennsylvania, is 100 miles. When I worked as a Congressional staffer in D.C., I could get out of town and be back where I grew up in about an hour and a half, at least so long as I avoided rush hour traffic. Those last miles as I crossed the Pennsylvania-Maryland border brought a sense of gratitude for the relationships I would be keeping up. At my nephew’s soccer game, at an English-style pub with my long-time best friends, with my mother at the breakfast table having a local newspaper in her hands, life was ordinary.
I would return to work in D.C. feeling grounded. I felt better connected to
the people of our Congressional District. Could not every vocation benefit from a similar grounding?
Being able to go home frequently was a blessing for me. Same with my then-boss, Rep. Todd Platts. Todd could almost count on his fingers the number of times that he stayed in D.C. overnight over his 12 years. The fold-up cot in his office went practically unused. He wanted to be back home, grounded in his family and the people he represented. Constituents spoke to him at Little League games or in grocery store lines. He always seemed excited to repeat what he heard from a person randomly encountered.
Of course, going home daily is a privilege few Members of Congress or Senators have. The geographic distance from D.C. to home is too great; many Congressional Districts and states are sprawling rather than compact, making travel by car across the District or state time-consuming. Add the demands of marathon votes in D.C., which are time-consuming.
Despite all this, the non-partisan Congressional Management Foundation found: “When the House of Representatives is out of session and not voting, or when the House has scheduled ‘district/constituent work periods’…most House Members return to their districts to fulfill their representative duties by meeting with constituents and learning how federal policies are affecting them at the local level…Our research showed that 61% to 65% of House District Directors reported that their Member went home to the district more than 40 weekends per year. CMF further found that “staying in touch with constituents” is ranked by Members as being the part of their job “most critical to their effectiveness.”
Everyone should welcome going home. For most vocations, going home means making a home outside of work. Lawyers, doctors, teachers, construction workers, and caregivers. Executives and executive assistants. All can benefit by participating in a church or synagogue, joining family get-togethers, watching those soccer and Little League games, talking to people with another viewpoint. Doing so can help us when we return to serving others through our work. We learn humility and gain perspective that we take with us to the office or factory floor.
We all must face the challenge of staying grounded. The best work often comes from people who never lose touch with the communities they serve. No matter our vocation, we all need people and places that remind us who we are. The farther our work takes us from ordinary life, the more intentionally we must return to it.
Scott Miller is a graduate of Widener School of Law, a former chief of staff in Congress, and the author of 'Christianity & Your Neighbor's Liberty.
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How a Floating Eco-Park Is Bringing Wildlife Back to the Chicago River
Aug 29, 2026
If you were to walk next to the Chicago River on North Ave, you’d find a ramp tucked away between venues and restaurants, seemingly leading down to river itself. Walking down it, you wouldn’t just find the river, but a sprawling park full of lush wildlife—the Wild Mile, a planned 17-acre floating eco-park along the North Branch Canal of the Chicago River.
Collin Quinn comes to the Wild Mile a few times a year to canoe along the river with his friends. “We go other places, but this is a real easy, convenient place for us,” he said. “Occasionally, we’ll see ducks or fish or animals in there. I like seeing it grow every year.”
But the Wild Mile isn’t just a public park, it’s a developing piece of environmental infrastructure dedicated to rehabilitating the wildlife in the Chicago river.
During Chicago's early days, its rivers were dredged, straightened, and dammed to facilitate the city’s industrialization, ensuring easy transportation along the waterways. Since then, the City of Chicago has spent years and several trillions on improving the water chemistry of the Chicago River, particularly to deal with sewage contamination through the Tunnel and Reservoir plan, which is designed to store up to 67.76 billion liters of untreated storm- and wastewater during heavy rain to prevent combined sewer overflows. Years of industrialization and urban development have made it impossible for ecosystems typically found in rivers to grow.
“All of the fish and birds and other wildlife that live in the river naturally still don't have habitat for themselves,” said Nick Wesley, who directs and co-founded Urban Rivers, the company behind the Wild Mile.
The project traces back to 2016, when Urban Rivers and SOM installed a 1,500-square-foot floating garden pilot; the first 400 feet of public boardwalk opened in 2022, with an additional 300 feet added in 2024. In 2022, Nick and his team started the Wild Mile, a floating eco-park in the Chicago river that uses the existing industrial infrastructure to create an artificial habitat to emulate the natural processes you would find in a normal river. Their efforts aim to reverse habitat degradation in the Chicago River over the years and rebuild wildlife populations that have been missing from the ecosystem.
The Wild Mile develops a system of floating wetlands the team plants native wetland species on. Today the installation spans more than 11,000 square feet of floating habitat, though that's only about 10 percent of Urban Rivers' eventual goal of a full mile-long park, a reminder of how much of the river remains unreclaimed.
The plants’ roots continue to grow downward, into the river, to get nutrition and, in turn, create a network of roots that serves as a natural habitat for aquatic organisms. Algae and microbes grow, fish hide from predators and lay their eggs, At the same time, the plants that grow on the surface are useful for pollinators, birds, and small mammals.
Bubbly Creek - New Garden Nick Wesley, Urban Rivers
The biggest challenge in realizing the Wild Mile was getting the city on board and granting the team the proper permits. But as challenging as it was to vet their research and plans, it was difficult to get across a vision for the Chicago river that was optimistic and attainable.
“Everyone was like, ‘Oh, this is really cool, but it's never going to happen,’” Wesley said. “It was a little hard to get people's heads wrapped around exactly what we were doing and that it's feasible and it's not just some sketch.”
The Wild Mile is the first-ever fully floating eco-park in the world, currently standing at about 700 linear feet with an eventual goal of a full mile, and the experimental nature of the project is one of the things that made it difficult to get the plans approved. “There wasn't a framework for, you know, how to do a project like this,” Wesley said. It made permitting difficult, as half the battle was figuring out what the appropriate agencies were to get such a unique project off the ground.
But permitting was only the first hurdle. Researchers who have studied the Wild Mile point out that a floating installation, however successful, has hard physical limits. It occupies only one side of the canal, so it can't treat or influence the entire cross-section of river flow — the water that passes under the far bank never interacts with the wetland at all. And because the canal is open and continuously mixed with the rest of the river, any local improvement in water quality or fish abundance can be diluted or offset by conditions upstream and downstream. In other words, the Wild Mile can create a pocket of healthier habitat, but it can't singlehandedly clean up the North Branch.
The species data reflect that nuance, too. Researchers found the wetland was linked to more native minnows and fewer invasive common carp compared to reference sites, but not every outcome was as clear-cut. Zooplankton counts, for instance, actually dropped near the floating wetland in a companion study of similar installations in other cities, even as their average body size grew — a pattern researchers say may reflect predation dynamics rather than a straightforward win, and one that only showed up during brief windows each summer.
Scientists studying the Wild Mile have been careful to note that some of these fish and invertebrate trends are correlational, not proven cause-and-effect, and that further monitoring is needed to confirm the wetland — rather than broader, decades-long improvements in Chicago River water quality — is truly driving them.
As the Wild Mile annexes new installations, its research and development team continues to collaborate on experimental ways to support and monitor the growing habitat, which are added to installations.
“Everything is about diversifying the habitat within this big empty box that you've got,” said Phil Nicodemus, Research Director at Urban Rivers. “It just requires creativity and trying a lot of things for the first time in ways that maybe are not going to work out.
“So you got to do them, but you also got to study them well enough to be able to explain to somebody why you should do it, or why it's going to work, or why it's not going to work in this scenario or that scenario.”
One of the newer aspects of the Wild Mile are the new underwater cameras that the team uses to monitor the fish and bring a hidden aspect of the park to people’s attention.
“They all have their own little personalities and like these internal politics that happen around mating season and stuff,” Sage Rossman, Urban Rivers’ Communication Manager, said. “Being able to get a glimpse into that whole entire world is super duper cool.”
As installations are added and interventions brainstormed, the data reflects incremental but significant change in the Chicago river’s make up. The Urban Rivers team regularly tests and studies the water to investigate how the Wild Mile is impacting nitrogen and phosphorus levels. A five-year peer-reviewed study (2018–2023) found statistically significant reductions in nitrate (down an average of 1.31 mg/L at the surface) and phosphate (down 0.64 mg/L) in water passing under the floating wetland, with consistent removal performance year-round, not just during the growing season.
That said, the same body of research found the wetland's effect on dissolved oxygen and water temperature was not statistically significant — meaning the plants clean the water of certain nutrients without measurably changing some other basic conditions fish and other organisms depend on.
There has also been quantitative increases in the presence of minnows and smaller bait fish in the river, which indicates that other, bigger fish are reproducing. Electrofishing surveys between 2016 and 2019 found the average catch of small prey fish near the Wild Mile grew from just one golden shiner across three hauls in 2016 to an average of 17 small prey fish per haul by 2019, alongside a significant, corresponding drop in invasive common carp.
Even that finding comes with a caveat researchers are careful to flag: when the Wild Mile site was compared against individual reference locations rather than the pooled average, the difference in small-fish abundance wasn't always statistically significant — a distinction that matters for anyone trying to judge exactly how much credit the wetland deserves versus the river's broader, decades-long recovery.
But besides rebuilding the wildlife of the Chicago river, the Wild Mile contributes significantly as a piece of social infrastructure, providing an open air park that’s free to the public and often used as an events venue. To date, the park has served more than 20,000 visitors, students, kayakers, and volunteers, and its annual Block Party has drawn crowds of over 850 people.
“Chicago’s one of the few cities that actually takes [wildlife preservation] super seriously,” said Jay Levesque, who found the park by volunteering with Chicago Adventure Therapy, one of the many organizations that has programming on the Wild Mile. He I think it could be a really nice third space for folks, especially in the warm weather.”
Priorities for Urban Rivers lie in new installations and in exporting their ideas to other cities in the United States. After the Wild Mile’s success, inquiries began to come in from across the country to diversify wildlife in industrial infrastructure.
What the Wild Mile ultimately offers other cities isn't a finished blueprint, but a proof of concept: that urban revitalization doesn't require tearing out the seawalls, dams, and industrial channels that already define a waterway. Instead, as Nicodemus put it, it means building new habitat directly onto that existing infrastructure and studying, patiently and rigorously, what actually takes root.
“I mean, its main purpose is for the wildlife,” Rossman said. “But, you know, humans are wildlife too. We need to be in contact with plants and water and clean air.”
Isabel Papp is a summer fellow with The Fulcrum and a student at Northwestern University, double‑majoring in Journalism and Political Science. A bilingual journalist, she is a proactive, equity‑centered storyteller committed to elevating underrepresented voices.
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