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Trump’s Bold Agenda Faces Buzzsaw of Legal and Political Realities

Trump’s Bold Agenda Faces Buzzsaw of Legal and Political Realities

President-elect Donald Trump speaks to the press following a meeting with Senate Republicans at the U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, DC on January 8, 2025.

(Photo by Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images)


Donald Trump’s second-term agenda outlines an ambitious plan to reshape major aspects of American society. While his vision energizes supporters, it has drawn criticism for potentially upsetting democratic norms and threatening effective governance. Even with a Republican trifecta, narrow Congressional margins and significant legal challenges could stall these efforts before the 2026 midterms.

A cornerstone of Trump’s agenda is the reintroduction of Schedule F, a proposal to strip senior civil servants of job protections, allowing their replacement with political appointees. Advocates see it as a way to dismantle bureaucratic resistance to presidential priorities, often dubbed the “deep state.” Critics, however, warn that it could erode the independence of the federal workforce, turning agencies into partisan tools. Legal challenges to Schedule F would likely arise soon after Trump takes office, with courts scrutinizing its compliance with federal employment laws. Additionally, concerns about executive branch politicization may complicate efforts to garner Congressional support.


Another key initiative targets Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs in universities and corporations. Trump’s allies propose tying federal funding to the elimination of such initiatives, arguing they impose ideological conformity and detract from merit-based practices. Opponents contend this would undo progress in addressing systemic inequities and promoting diversity. Legal battles under anti-discrimination laws and resistance from universities and civil rights organizations are likely, with public opinion on DEI issues being deeply divided.

Trump’s proposals for higher education extend beyond DEI. Plans to tax university endowments and revise accreditation standards aim to curb what supporters view as ideological bias at elite institutions like Harvard and Yale. While these measures resonate with his base, they risk alienating powerful stakeholders, including alumni, donors, and moderate policymakers. Legal challenges could emerge, particularly if the policies disproportionately target specific institutions. Congressional Republicans may also hesitate to back initiatives perceived as overreaching.

Trump’s contentious relationship with mainstream media raises concerns about potential threats to press freedom. His proposals to regulate media organizations or enable lawsuits over perceived bias could conflict with First Amendment protections. Advocacy groups and legal experts would likely challenge such moves in court, while public backlash could erode broader support. Though criticism of the media galvanizes Trump’s base, polling consistently shows strong public support for an independent press as a cornerstone of democracy.

Immigration enforcement is still one of the most divisive elements of Trump’s agenda. Proposals to use the military to deport undocumented immigrants, particularly in sanctuary cities, could clash with constitutional limits on the military’s domestic role. The Posse Comitatus Act restricts the use of federal troops for domestic law enforcement, making legal challenges inevitable. Resistance from state and local governments would further complicate implementation. Public opinion on immigration is still polarized, making this issue a likely flashpoint for political conflict.

Trump’s narrow Congressional majority poses more hurdles for his ambitious reforms. Many proposals require legislative approval, leaving little room for GOP defections. While budget reconciliation offers a mechanism for advancing fiscal measures, it cannot be used for broader regulatory or politically sensitive changes. Democrats, now relieved that prior efforts to end the Senate filibuster failed, will likely use it to block Trump’s agenda.

Institutional inertia and opposition from stakeholders add to the challenges. Federal agencies, corporations, and state governments may resist abrupt policy changes, while advocacy groups and public opinion exert more pressure. Controversial measures will almost certainly face prolonged legal battles, delaying or blocking their implementation. Even with Republican control of the presidency and Congress, Trump’s vision for transformative change faces a tough path forward.

While bold and polarizing, Trump’s agenda reflects his ideological priorities and commitment to reshaping American institutions. However, the narrow margins in Congress, expected legal challenges, and potential public backlash suggest that many initiatives may struggle to gain traction. As his administration begins navigating the complexities of governance, it will need to balance ambition with pragmatism. Whether these efforts succeed in delivering lasting change or become mired in political and legal battles stays uncertain.

Robert Cropf is a professor of political science at Saint Louis University.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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