LeMieux runs e.pluribus.US, which conceives of, builds and tests interventions to scalably improve public attitudes toward working with political opponents.
A Haitian nurse tends to hurricane victims. A California aid worker steadies still shaken survivors. A Thai volunteer assembles cots, replacing beds lost to the sea. A Jewish meals coordinator nourishes refugeesf air-lifted from the war zone. A Houstonian early-responder comforts those distraught at having lost everything to the flood. A Manhattan good Samaritan assists dust-covered victims, catatonic in that thousand-yard stare.
In this case, these scenes did not happen separately in Haiti, California, Thailand, the Middle East, Texas, nor New York City. These happened collectively, under one roof, this past Sunday afternoon in Ft. Myers.
All of these different “identities” were helping Floridians.
When Hurricane Harvey struck Texas in 2017 I was living in Manhattan. But I had grown up in Houston and still had masses of family and friends there, so I immediately returned to help. Much of my volunteering was at a huge Red Cross shelter downtown. I was struck by how volunteers came from all over the hemisphere, literally from New York to California, all across the Midwest and Mexico.
One guy had driven down alone from north of the Canadian border. Three women flew from Manhattan on a lark for the weekend, just to volunteer. (I initially recognized them due to their all-black attire and Chuck Taylors.) The security checkpoints at Houston’s Bush Intercontinental Airport were staffed that week by officers flown in by the San Francisco Police Department. There were Cruz Roja aid workers from Mexico City who ordinarily train for earthquake response. All helping Texans.
Those Texan people. In that red state.
On social media, yes, the more militantly progressive people in my Facebook feed insinuated Houston deserved this as comeuppance for red-state-driven, laissez-faire zoning failures. (These commenters apparently had never alighted in Houston long enough to learn it actually votes majority blue.) But there in the shelter, it was simply about people coming from everywhere — regardless of borders, tribes, ideologies, parties or income — to help other people in need.
Not long after Harvey, I moved from New York to Miami. And so there I was last month, as Hurricane Ian stormed through southwest Florida. It hit an area I know well and hold dear — Sanibel, Captiva, Boca Grande, Gasparilla. And I have maybe a dozen friends and family scattered across that coast. So again, the situation called out for me to go help. I pulled together my overstocked “kit” (I tend to over-prepare for the possibility zombies might attack while out on these “missions”), rented a big o’l honkin’ pickup truck to ford washes (also overkill) and trundled off to “the war zone.” This time, with my experience from Harvey, I knew exactly where to go and what to do and within minutes of arrival was plugged into the Red Cross effort at South Ft. Myers High School.
Quickly put to work ... (excitement!) ... assembling cots. Shelter work is actually pretty mundane. No zombies.
But — whop! whop! whop! —the Blackhawks repeatedly swooped in with survivors from the barrier islands, mostly Pine, Sanibel and Ft. Myers Beach. And we took care of them.
Very quickly I ran into the Houstonians. A Thai-American and a Jewish-American. The Red Cross had flown them in from Texas to assist with the effort and I was immediately struck by the irony that five years earlier I had flown to Houston to help with their hurricane, and now here was Houston flying to my state to help with our hurricane.
I then met the Haitian-American nurse, actually from Ft. Lauderdale, and couldn’t help but make the connection with all the disasters Haiti has suffered. Additional volunteers hailed from Irvine, Calif. — which someday will call us to come help with their earthquake — and about every other state you can imagine, each with its own unique form of someday-to-come apocalypse.
We humans, we have our tribes. Our opinions. Our interests and differences. Our dislikes. Our antipathies.
But it’s really damn clear, actually: On instinct, we know we need each other.
And despite what might come out of our mouths and emotions at other times, without hesitation we jump when these people that we otherwise view as opponents are in need. It sounds like a quaint, jingoistic concept but when you see a disaster response come together, you understand very clearly that when Americans fall, fellow Americans — from far and wide and irrespective of differences — are instantly there to pick each other up.
Why is that?
I think it’s because we know we need each other. For the same reason they need us, we know we will someday need them. Stubbornly secure inside us, though sometimes repressed, is our perhaps begrudging wisdom that we can’t do this thing alone, this thing called civilization (which is to say, anything worth arguing over).
People tell Americans we have become too divided, have antipathy toward one another, lack empathy for opponents’ situations and cannot solve problems with them.
I think we do know how to problem-solve across boundaries. I’ve seen it first-hand.
We just need to ask: Who is it that convinced us we can’t do it in politics?



















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.