Chaleff is a speaker, innovative thinker and the author of “ The Courageous Follower: Standing Up To and For Our Leaders.”
The world is waking up to the long-standing reality that movements create their leaders.
Currently there’s a buzz around Kamala Harris, as there was for Donald Trump in 2016. Neither had been a dynamic political leader, yet large followings seemed to emerge around them at dizzying speed. Did they create these followings or did their followers “create them” to satisfy an unmet need?
Half a century ago, a few leadership scholars had the temerity to call out a cultural bias they named the “romance of leadership.” Our culture places far more credit (or blame) for the consequences of events on the leader than they typically warrant.
In line with this mis-weighted sense of agency is the belief that leaders create their followers. In practice, it is just as true that followers create their leaders. Why doesn’t it seem this way to us?
One reason is the confusion between leading and managing. In the world of large corporations and government agencies, there is a great emphasis on hierarchical relationships. It’s true employees don't choose or create their managers, but managers and leaders are not the same thing.
In organic groups such as political movements, membership organizations, clubs, gangs and even many boards, it is clear that leaders emerge from the group. This is not to devalue leaders and leadership, which are manifestly important. It is to give followers and followership their due as also having agency and power.
In my newest book, “ To Stop a Tyrant: The Power of Political Followers to Make or Brake a Toxic Leader,” I draw on what other scholars refer to as “the leadership system.” Its three elements are: leaders, followers and context. The context often tells us what kind of leader is needed at the moment for followers to identify and support.
Winston Churchill represents a classic case in Western history. He was considered a somewhat cranky hawk and inconvenient backbencher in the British Parliament. He spent a number of years in the “political wilderness.” When the context changed, in the form of Adolf Hitler’s insatiable appetite for his neighbors’ land and resources, Churchill became the leader his followers needed and elevated.
As we look at leadership systems, it is an error to characterize followers as orbiting around the leader. What is true is that both leaders and followers orbit around a common purpose. Because a political purpose needs a leader positioned to implement its party’s agenda, it can seem the leader is at the center of this process. However, It is more fundamentally true that what they stand for — the purpose of their candidacy — is at the center. They and their movement followers energize and serve this purpose.
This healthy system gets distorted when the leader puts themself at the center and confuses, or even eclipses, the purpose. In some sense, it is still the followers creating the leader, but now they are making the error of creating a savior for the mission. At the extreme, they are creating a messiah. This is highly dangerous as a messiah can do no wrong. Anything the messiah thinks, believes, wishes for or does is now considered truth.
God help the country that encourages or accepts this type of leadership.
In a healthy system, character counts, as do values, which are closely linked. The ends do not justify the means. The mission is pursued by the leader and followers within a shared sense of values. In a democratic system this is crucial. Pursuing the mission in a way that undermines the values of the democratic process is destructive.
Initially, before the leader consolidates power and begins mandating their stature, movements play a significant role in selecting, elevating and shaping their leaders. Ideally, the movement lifts up leaders of character, but history proves this too often is not the case. In today’s divisive political climate, it remains to be seen if followers will help shape the development of leaders with values that are consistent with the principles of our democratic republic.
While the culture may still romanticize leaders, the real work of governing is done by skilled and courageous followers. This is the focus of a short series I will write for The Fulcrum on political followership.
Continue reading and you will become a much more effective member of whichever political party you support, helping leaders live up to their sacred governing responsibilities.




















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.