Chaleff is a speaker, innovative thinker and the author of “ The Courageous Follower: Standing Up To and For Our Leaders.”
The world is waking up to the long-standing reality that movements create their leaders.
Currently there’s a buzz around Kamala Harris, as there was for Donald Trump in 2016. Neither had been a dynamic political leader, yet large followings seemed to emerge around them at dizzying speed. Did they create these followings or did their followers “create them” to satisfy an unmet need?
Half a century ago, a few leadership scholars had the temerity to call out a cultural bias they named the “romance of leadership.” Our culture places far more credit (or blame) for the consequences of events on the leader than they typically warrant.
In line with this mis-weighted sense of agency is the belief that leaders create their followers. In practice, it is just as true that followers create their leaders. Why doesn’t it seem this way to us?
One reason is the confusion between leading and managing. In the world of large corporations and government agencies, there is a great emphasis on hierarchical relationships. It’s true employees don't choose or create their managers, but managers and leaders are not the same thing.
In organic groups such as political movements, membership organizations, clubs, gangs and even many boards, it is clear that leaders emerge from the group. This is not to devalue leaders and leadership, which are manifestly important. It is to give followers and followership their due as also having agency and power.
In my newest book, “ To Stop a Tyrant: The Power of Political Followers to Make or Brake a Toxic Leader,” I draw on what other scholars refer to as “the leadership system.” Its three elements are: leaders, followers and context. The context often tells us what kind of leader is needed at the moment for followers to identify and support.
Winston Churchill represents a classic case in Western history. He was considered a somewhat cranky hawk and inconvenient backbencher in the British Parliament. He spent a number of years in the “political wilderness.” When the context changed, in the form of Adolf Hitler’s insatiable appetite for his neighbors’ land and resources, Churchill became the leader his followers needed and elevated.
As we look at leadership systems, it is an error to characterize followers as orbiting around the leader. What is true is that both leaders and followers orbit around a common purpose. Because a political purpose needs a leader positioned to implement its party’s agenda, it can seem the leader is at the center of this process. However, It is more fundamentally true that what they stand for — the purpose of their candidacy — is at the center. They and their movement followers energize and serve this purpose.
This healthy system gets distorted when the leader puts themself at the center and confuses, or even eclipses, the purpose. In some sense, it is still the followers creating the leader, but now they are making the error of creating a savior for the mission. At the extreme, they are creating a messiah. This is highly dangerous as a messiah can do no wrong. Anything the messiah thinks, believes, wishes for or does is now considered truth.
God help the country that encourages or accepts this type of leadership.
In a healthy system, character counts, as do values, which are closely linked. The ends do not justify the means. The mission is pursued by the leader and followers within a shared sense of values. In a democratic system this is crucial. Pursuing the mission in a way that undermines the values of the democratic process is destructive.
Initially, before the leader consolidates power and begins mandating their stature, movements play a significant role in selecting, elevating and shaping their leaders. Ideally, the movement lifts up leaders of character, but history proves this too often is not the case. In today’s divisive political climate, it remains to be seen if followers will help shape the development of leaders with values that are consistent with the principles of our democratic republic.
While the culture may still romanticize leaders, the real work of governing is done by skilled and courageous followers. This is the focus of a short series I will write for The Fulcrum on political followership.
Continue reading and you will become a much more effective member of whichever political party you support, helping leaders live up to their sacred governing responsibilities.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
____
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.