Nobody asked for soldiers on their streets. Yet President Trump sent 2,000 National Guard troops into Washington, D.C.—and now he’s threatening the same in Chicago and New York. The problem isn’t whether crime is up or down (it’s down). The problem is that governors didn’t request it, mayors didn’t sign off, and residents certainly didn’t take to the streets begging for troops. Yet here we are, watching as the president becomes “mayor-in-chief,” turning American cities into props for his reality-TV spectacle of power, complete with all the theatrics that blur politics with entertainment.
Federal Power Without Local Consent
D.C. has always been uniquely vulnerable because of the Home Rule Act. The president can activate its National Guard without consulting the mayor. That’s troubling enough, but now Trump is floating deployments in Illinois and New York—states where he has no such authority. The principle at stake isn’t whether troops can reduce crime; it’s whether the federal government can unilaterally occupy a city whose leaders and citizens told it to stay away.
This federal overreach only sharpens the next point: the hypocrisy is so brazen it’s as if Republicans have stopped even trying to conceal it. These are the same politicians who shriek about “tyranny” whenever a Democrat signs an executive order. Think of the recent hair-on-fire theatrics over Obama’s DACA order, or the anguished howls when Biden rejoined the Paris Climate Accord. Yet when their president decides to send troops into cities during peacetime—something no modern Democrat has ever dared—they fall silent. The self-proclaimed guardians of local control and small government morph into cheerleaders for the biggest federal power grab in decades. Apparently, “limited government” only applies when a Democrat is in office.
Civil Society at Risk
Let’s be clear: this isn’t “help.” It’s overreach dressed up as public safety. Troops on the streets erode the principle of local self-rule, turning cities into backdrops for presidential theater. Once normalized, the presence of soldiers in everyday civic life stops feeling extraordinary. Today it’s D.C., tomorrow it’s Chicago, and after that—why not anywhere a president decides the optics are good?
History tells us how badly this ends and why normalizing troop deployments today only increases the risk of repeating those same mistakes. Kent State. Portland. Deployments that inflamed tensions rather than restored calm, leaving communities more fractured than before. And it isn’t just Trump who benefits. Future presidents—Democrat or Republican—will inherit these precedents. By staying silent now, GOP lawmakers are essentially handing unchecked executive power on a silver platter to the executive branch for whoever comes next.
And this isn’t just an American story. Putin deployed Russia’s National Guard to crush protests and reframe dissent as a security crisis. Erdoğan turned Turkey’s public squares into showcases of force during Gezi Park. Duterte blurred the line between policing and military occupation in the Philippines’ so-called “War on Drugs.” The playbook is clear: when leaders use troops as stage props, democracy is what gets trampled.
How Civil Society Should Respond
Faith communities and labor unions have already shown how broad coalitions can resist federal overreach. During the Trump administration’s travel ban, churches, synagogues, and mosques joined hands with airport workers and unions to demand change—proof that civil society has the reach and moral authority to fight back when government power goes too far.
If Congress won’t defend its role, civil society has to. That means:
- Legal and legislative resistance: challenge deployments without consent in court, as civil liberties groups did when federal agents were dispatched to Portland in 2020, and press lawmakers to add real guardrails.
- Community mobilization: peaceful protests, civic forums, and neighborhood organizing, like the grassroots coalitions in Ferguson and Minneapolis, to remind Washington that cities govern themselves.
- Narrative and coalition work: hammer home the obvious—nobody asked for this—while faith groups, unions, nonprofits, and businesses stand together, much like the interfaith and labor alliances that opposed the Muslim travel ban, on the principle that local voices matter.
Recent history shows this is possible. In Portland during the 2020 federal deployments, community organizations and legal advocates worked together to document abuses, challenge them in court, and sustain public opposition. Civil society must be prepared to do the same again.
The Stakes
Once we accept soldiers in the streets as normal, democracy itself becomes abnormal. Local governments fade into irrelevance, federalism shrinks to a slogan, and residents lose any say in how their communities are policed. That’s not “law and order.” That’s command and control—the stuff of Russia and Hungary.
So let’s not mince words: deploying troops into cities that never asked for them is an occupation, not assistance. And if GOP politicians won’t say it because they’re too busy polishing their conservative credentials by attacking wokeness on college campuses, civil society must. If it fails, the precedent of unilateral militarization will harden, leaving future presidents free to bypass communities entirely and putting the foundations of American democracy at even greater risk. Our answer has to be clear: Our streets are not your stage. Our safety, our voice, our choice. If Trump wants a show, he can stage another parade—not occupy our cities.
Robert Cropf is a professor of political science at Saint Louis University.
Americans across the political spectrum have continued to ask about the late financier and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein’s connections among the political elite. (Angela Weiss/AFP)
Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks to voters at a town hall at the Elks Lodge 188 on June 7, 2026, in Portland, Maine.
McConnell and Platner both feel entitled
The two men could not be more different. One, a Republican, octogenarian, seven-term Southern senator, the other a progressive, millennial Maine oysterman who’s never spent a day in elected office.
But Mitch McConnell, the senior senator from Kentucky who’s been MIA for the past few weeks and Graham Platner, the Maine Senate candidate who’s facing calls to drop out of his race against Sen. Susan Collins, apparently do have something in common: an outsized sense of entitlement.
McConnell, who is 84 and not running for reelection, has been hospitalized for three weeks, and yet we still don’t fully know what he was admitted for or what his condition is. Per CNN, “his office has not disclosed a medical reason for the hospitalization or provided specifics on his health status beyond saying last week that he ‘continues to improve’ and ‘is working closely with his staff on Kentucky and Senate matters.’ ”
While several legislators have said they’ve talked to him and insist he sounds strong, others have said they are completely in the dark. One MAGA influencer, Laura Loomer, posted ”High level source close to the White House tells me ‘Mitch McConnell is officially brain dead. He’s not coming back.’ ”
Meanwhile, up in Maine, Platner has been artfully dodging calls from his own party to drop out of his race after several allegations of misconduct from women, including a sexual assault allegation from a former girlfriend, came to light. While Platner, who has managed to survive a Nazi-tattoo scandal, a sexting scandal, and several old tweets scandals, denies the allegations, he has not quit.
High-profile Democrats including Sens. Bernie Sanders and Chuck Schumer, the latter of whom had unsuccessfully hand-selected Maine Gov. Janet Mills to face Collins instead of Platner, have urged Platner to drop out, while other Dems have accused him of trying to influence the picking of his replacement.
Maine Democratic Party Executive Director Devon Murphy-Anderson released a statement Tuesday, which said in part:
“Unfortunately, Graham Platner’s team has repeatedly reached out to us in an attempt to put their thumb on the scale of what this process looks like. We have repeatedly reiterated to Graham Platner’s team that they have no role in determining our next Democratic nominee for the U.S. Senate nor in determining what this process looks like.”
Both incidents show a deep lack of accountability to voters, who in one case deserve to know whether their senator is capable of performing his duties, and in another deserve a candidate who isn’t being accused of crimes, bigotry and deception.
The offensive and odious entitlement of both McConnell and Platner stands out not because it is particularly unique among today’s political class. Tom Kean, the New Jersey GOP congressman, missed more than 100 votes, only sharing after a three-month mystery absence that he was dealing with depression.
Former President Joe Biden’s Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin failed to disclose a hospitalization for prostate cancer surgery, flouting the established rules for Cabinet members and senior U.S. officials.
From Biden’s insistence on running for reelection despite his obvious cognitive and political weaknesses to Trump’s brazen flouting of laws and norms, few politicians seem to appreciate that their public service job comes with responsibilities to constituents, including transparency and honesty.
But both parties increasingly justify the chicanery, because the stakes of winning elections and keeping power are simply too high. But that’s no excuse. If we’ve learned anything over the past decade, it’s that character and accountability do, in fact, matter. And when we, the voters, stop caring about it, well, so do they.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.