Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Fulcrum Roundtable: Political Violence

Fulcrum Roundtable: Political Violence

Protest, person holds sign Silene = Violence

Welcome to the Fulcrum Roundtable.

The program offers insights and discussions about some of the most talked-about topics from the previous month, featuring Fulcrum’s collaborators.


Consistent with the Fulcrum's mission, the Fulcrum Roundtable strives to share many perspectives to widen our audience’s viewpoints.

The latest discussion centers on the rising threat of political violence in the United States following the assassination of Charlie Kirk. Fulcrum collaborators examine how inflammatory rhetoric, online radicalization, and hyper-partisan media ecosystems have fueled a climate where violence is no longer a fringe concern—it’s an increasingly present danger.

This moment demands honest reflection on how our public discourse, digital platforms, and political leadership either confront or enable this volatility.

I spoke with...

Kurt Gray, professor of Psychology and Neuroscience at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and author of Outraged: Why We Fight about Morality and Politics.

Lura Forcum, president of the Independent Center, and a consumer psychologist.

Mac Chamberlain, a fourth-year English and Spanish major at Lipscomb University.

- YouTube youtu.be

Kurt and Lura penned Taking Outrage Seriously: Understanding the Moral Signals Behind Political Anger.

They wrote in part: When conservatives express outrage, liberals dismiss them as bigots and racists. When liberals protest, conservatives roll their eyes at the alleged virtue signaling. We celebrate when our adversaries get upset because their anger means our side is winning.

"When someone mocks us for getting outraged, that's really a dismissal of the feelings of threat," he said. "We don't feel heard. We don't feel seen. And we feel even more threatened."

Lura added that dismissing the other side’s outrage is a dangerous mistake and that we must first take outrage seriously. "Being outraged means that you feel something really deeply. I think we would all do better to hear the message behind that emotion and try to understand what exactly people from across the political aisle are trying to convey to us," she said.

In "An Empathetic Approach to Political Violence, Mac wrote: The ability to condemn political violence correlates with privilege, a perspective which implicitly trusts the power of our voices.

We must consider what shapes the imagination of communities whose voices have been ferociously limited. For communities whose networks are saturated in such language of violence, we must accept a posture of humility in understanding how they feel they can gain access.

"We have this opportunity to be here and to talk, and we have time and opportunity to write and engage with these ideas. People who have been systemically disenfranchised don't necessarily have those opportunities," he said.

To prevent political violence, we must lower the volume of polarizing arguments that drown out opportunities for productive discourse—an effort The Fulcrum supports by offering a platform for thoughtful, thought-provoking debate and civic dialogue.

Hugo Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.


Read More

A Constitutional Provision We Ignored for 150 Years

Voter registration in Wisconsin

Michael Newman

A Constitutional Provision We Ignored for 150 Years

Imagine there was a way to discourage states from passing photo voter ID laws, restricting early voting, purging voter registration rolls, or otherwise suppressing voter turnout. What if any state that did so risked losing seats in the House of Representatives?

Surprisingly, this is not merely an idle fantasy of voting rights activists, but an actual plan envisioned in Section 2 of the 14th Amendment, which was ratified in 1868 – but never enforced.

Keep ReadingShow less
An illustration of two hands controlling a small person attached to strings.

A comparison of the Trump administration, Orwell’s 1984, and Hitler explores warning signs of authoritarianism, propaganda, and threats to American democracy.

Getty Images, S-S-S

Parallels and Patterns: George Orwell’s 1984, Hitler’s Nazi, and Trump 2.0

George Orwell’s 1984 is a classic dystopian novel that is a regular part of American high school English and social studies classes. It is usually taught in 9th or 10th grade to introduce students to themes like totalitarianism, propaganda, and censorship. The book remains relevant because it helps students understand how oppression and manipulation operate, offering important insights into their roles as citizens who help protect democracy.

Similarly, American high schools teach about Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 and how the Nazis changed German society, usually in 11th or 12th grade. This history provides students with clear ways to judge modern leaders and helps them spot similar patterns in today’s politics, including those seen in figures like Donald Trump.

Keep ReadingShow less
A close up of a person's hands typing on a laptop.

As AI reshapes the labor market, workers must think like entrepreneurs. Explore skills gaps, apprenticeships, and policy reforms shaping the future of work.

Getty Images, Maria Korneeva

We’re All Entrepreneurs Now: Learning, Pivoting, and Thriving the Age of AI

What do a recent grad, a disenchanted employee, and a parent returning to the workforce all have in common? They’re each trying to determine which skills are in demand and how they can convince employers that they are competent in those fields. This is easier said than done.

Recent grads point to transcripts lined with As to persuade firms that they can add value. Firms, well aware of grade inflation, may scoff.

Keep ReadingShow less