Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Loyal opposition

Loyal opposition
Mandel Ngan/Getty Images

Goldstone is the author of the forthcoming "Not White Enough: The Long Shameful Road to Japanese American Internment."

On November 8, 2022, in a major Republican upset, a relative political newcomer with an almost Hollywoodesque life story won election to Congress in New York’s Third Congressional district. To the surprise and elation of his party’s leadership, he flipped a key seat that Democrats had held for two decades.


The winner, George Devolder Santos, only thirty-four, was, according to his campaign bio, “a proud American Jew,” the son of Brazilian immigrants and descended from Ukrainian grandparents who had fled the Holocaust. Santos was openly gay and a self-made millionaire who, after graduating from Baruch University in 2010, worked for Citigroup and Goldman Sachs before striking out on his own and making big money in real estate. If he could be a fictional character, he wrote, he would choose Captain America.

One month later, as first reported in The New York Times and then in just about every news outlet in the United States, it turned out that virtually none of this was true. In addition, Santos had lied about his parents’ careers and wealth, that his mother had been in the South Tower of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, but survived, that he founded an animal rescue charity, and a raft of other tidbits of his background, while omitting that he had been indicted for embezzlement in Brazil. Although as of this writing, Santos has not been accused of criminal behavior in the United States—although he is under investigation by the Nassau County district attorney as well as federal prosecutors—his finances are so smoky that few would be surprised if that were to occur. His entire resumé, it seems, was a series of whoppers so transparently false that even Inspector Clouseau would have, in the immortal words of Patrick Henry, “smelt a rat.”

The voters in his district, however, did not. Nor did his opponent, Robert Zimmerman, a member of the Democratic National Committee and a (genuine) successful businessman with a long history in politics. Zimmerman, 67, was also openly gay but, unlike Santos, had an impressive record of working for equal rights in the LGBTQ community. Santos, on the other hand, had been married to a woman until 2019.

This was Santos’s second try for office. He had also run in 2020 against then-incumbent Tom Suozzi, losing by ten points, and no one had discovered that his resumé was a work of fiction then either. But Suozzi had been a shoo-in for re-election, so the lack of investigation into Santos’s background, while negligent, was to a degree understandable.

This election was different. Suozzi had given up his seat for a failed run at the gubernatorial nomination, and this race promised to be a good deal closer. Given that 2022 was a midterm year in which Democrats were bucking the headwinds of Joe Biden’s dismal approval ratings, they needed to bring every possible weapon to the fore in a desperate effort to hold the House.

Nothing could be taken for granted. So much did the party want to dot its i’s that Jill Biden traveled to New York to personally campaign for Zimmerman, which indicated, according to News 12, Long Island, “there could be a feeling of nervousness on the part of Democrats.”

A visit by the First Lady is no minor event—it demands planning, coordination, and attention to logistics, all of which would have involved Zimmerman’s campaign workers, the Democratic National Campaign Committee, and the White House. Attention to detail is therefore a must and nothing can be taken for granted.

The question becomes, why did the Democrats, who invested so much time and effort to coordinate the First Lady’s visit, not pay equal attention to determining if George Santos’s much-larger-than-life life story was all it seemed to be? It would not have taken much. There was no record of Santos working at the institutions he claimed, graduating from college, or even attending the prep school he claimed to attend. His mother was not the financial executive he claimed her to be but rather a domestic worker. His lies were so huge, so ludicrously transparent, that a reporter on a high school newspaper might have uncovered them with ease. Only after Santos’s election and The New York Times report did those questions begin to be asked by Democratic party leaders.

Steve Israel, who had held the seat for sixteen years and was once chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, wrote in The Atlantic that “perhaps that criticism [of Democrats] is justified, but we shouldn’t let the Republican Party off the hook. Republicans accepted Santos’s narrative without due diligence because they prioritized extreme ideology over actual qualifications.”

Sorry, Mr. Israel, this buck can’t be passed. If the losers do not do their job, they cannot blame the winners for being slipshod.

In fact, although opposition research is often given a bad name, our democratic system, which is necessarily adversarial, demands it. To expect either party to police itself is naïve. There are already reports that Republican campaign officials were aware of Santos’s lies and sat on the information. With an election looming and a blue seat vulnerable, that is not surprising.

No, this was the Democrats’ responsibility and they blew it. Calling on Santos to resign now, after they allowed him to win the seat is ludicrous. The only way he will forfeit his seat at this point is if he is indicted, and perhaps not even then.

If, however, the Democrats get a break they don’t deserve and Santos is forced to give up his seat, there will be a special election to fill it. Or there is the regular election in two years. In either case, whoever the Republicans put up will be subject to far more scrutiny than was Santos, the classic after-the-damage-is-done effect.

When the Democrats choose their candidate, it should certainly not be Robert Zimmerman. His failure to do even the most basic vetting of his opponent cost Democrats the seat once. He should not be allowed to do it twice.


Read More

How the Voting Rights Act Reshaped Texas’ Electoral Maps

President Lyndon B. Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., Clarence Mitchell Jr., Patricia Roberts Harris, and other guests at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 6, 1965.

Yoichi Okamoto - Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum

How the Voting Rights Act Reshaped Texas’ Electoral Maps

In 2002, U.S. Rep. Henry Bonilla, a Republican, nearly lost his South Texas seat to Democrat Henry Cuellar. So when the GOP used its newfound majority in the state Legislature to redraw the voting maps the next year, they sawed through Cuellar’s hometown of Laredo and scattered Latino voters, who tended to vote Democratic, into other districts.

Latino advocacy groups sued under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, the cornerstone provision of the law that prevents government bodies from diluting the voting power of specific groups. The Supreme Court found Texas lawmakers had taken away Latino voting power “because they were about to exercise it.”

Keep ReadingShow less
Our Nation’s Teachers: Appreciated in Name, Dishonored in Practice
a hand writing on a chalkboard

Our Nation’s Teachers: Appreciated in Name, Dishonored in Practice

Earlier this month, the United States celebrated Teacher Appreciation Week, the one week during the year when a Starbucks discount is supposed to stand in for respect. This week is often filled with corporations praising teacher sacrifice, but the Department of Education had a different idea.

Across its social media, the DoE shared images of Ms. Fowl, Ms. Hoover, Mrs. Puff, Miss Nelson, and Ms. Frizzle, fictional teachers who are often well-meaning but marred by burnout, incompetence, eccentricity, and paranoia. If they truly wanted to honor teachers, they could have chosen Ms. Keane from the PowerPuff Girls, Mr. Ratburn from Arthur, or Miss Grotke from Recess — teachers depicted as competent, caring, and respected. But they didn’t. The selection offered plausible deniability. The characters are beloved enough to pass as celebration, but flawed enough to communicate contempt. The White House couldn’t have made its disregard for educators plainer if it tried.

Keep ReadingShow less
Audience members listen as U.S. President Donald Trump.

Audience members listen as U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at the Coosa Steel Corporation on February 19, 2026 in Rome, Georgia.

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Heil Trump!

Stop. I am not implying that Trump is the equivalent of Hitler. As I have said in two previous posts suggesting an analogy between Hitler and Trump, while Trump has an evil streak, he is not even close to being as evil as Hitler (see "The Hitler-Trump Analogy" and "Another Hitler-Trump Analogy"). However, Trump has characteristics, and his supporters have characteristics, in common with Hitler and his followers.

Trump is a megalomaniac; his self-aggrandizement knows no bounds. See my article, "Trump - Poster Child of a Megalomaniac." Trump clearly thinks of himself as a man who can do no wrong, the brightest person in the world, a king, a master of the universe. There are no rules that apply to him. As he said in a New York Times interview, "My own morality, my own mind. It's the only thing that can stop me."

Keep ReadingShow less