In a disappointing turn of events, Connecticut has chosen to follow the precedent set by President Donald Trump’s English-Only Executive Order, effectively disregarding the federal mandates of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
By failing to rectify its longstanding systemic indifference to non-native English speakers, the state has dismissed the opportunity to provide critical information to English language learners, sign language users, and those who rely on plain language for comprehension.
At the heart of this issue was Senate Bill 955, a bill I authored and proposed which was introduced in the 2025 legislative session by Sen. MD Rahman. The bill sought to establish policies ensuring that individuals with limited English proficiency could access information and public services through translation and interpretation resources. It was a necessary step toward creating an Office of Language Access, a centralized entity that would oversee and coordinate language accessibility efforts statewide.
However, despite its potential to serve over 400,000 residents whose primary language is not English, the bill failed to make it out of the Government Administration and Elections Committee.
The failure of SB 955 is more than just a legislative setback; it is a denial of fundamental rights. Language access is not a privilege—it is a necessity for equitable participation in civic life. Without it, thousands of Connecticut residents, throughout their lifespan, are left without the ability to engage with government services, healthcare providers, legal systems, and educational institutions in a meaningful way.
This decision reflects a troubling trend of information privilege and linguistic exclusion, reinforcing barriers for non-English speakers and sign language users. It is a stark contrast to the principles of inclusivity and equal opportunity that Connecticut claims to uphold. The absence of a dedicated Office of Language Access means that residents will continue to face fragmented and inconsistent language services, further marginalizing communities that already struggle to navigate bureaucratic systems.
For years, advocates have fought to correct this injustice, working tirelessly to ensure that Connecticut recognizes the rights of ALL residents, regardless of their linguistic background. The failure to pass SB 955 is not just a rejection of a bill—it is a rejection of the people it was meant to serve.
As Connecticut moves forward, it must reconsider its stance on language access. The state cannot afford to ignore the voices of those who have been systematically excluded. The fight for equitable information and language access is far from over, and it is imperative that lawmakers revisit this issue with the urgency and commitment it deserves.
The question remains: Will Connecticut continue to turn its back on its diverse communities, or will it finally take action to ensure that language access is no longer a barrier to essential services? The answer will define the state’s commitment to civil rights for years to come.
A Missed Opportunity was originally published by the CT Mirror and Is shared with permission.
Doris Maldonado Mendez is a member of the Connecticut Mirror’s Community Editorial Board.
image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.