Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Defining The Democracy Movement: Rahmin Sarabi

Opinion

The Fulcrum presents The Path Forward: Defining the Democracy Reform Movement. Scott Warren's interview series engages diverse thought leaders to elevate the conversation about building a thriving and healthy democratic republic that fulfills its potential as a national social and political game-changer. This initiative is the start of focused collaborations and dialogue led by The Bridge Alliance and The Fulcrum teams to help the movement find a path forward.

The latest interview in this series features Rahmin Sarabi, founder and Director of the American Public Trust, an organization dedicated to promoting and implementing deliberative democracy practices, such as citizen assemblies.


Deliberative democracy is a political concept that emphasizes the importance of discussion and consensus-building in the decision-making process. Its implementation, through interventions like participatory budgeting, where residents help decide how to allocate public funds, and citizen assemblies, where randomly selected residents deliberate and make policy recommendations, has gained traction in recent years. Successful examples in Brazil and several European countries have inspired pilots across the United States.

I spoke with Rahmin to explore why he sees deliberative democracy as a necessary antidote to the challenges facing our political system today. Proponents like Rahmin argue these reforms can reimagine democracy for a public that has grown deeply distrustful, while producing public decisions that are more representative. This perspective suggests that one of the central challenges in the pro-democracy sector is how we practice democracy itself.

Skeptics, however, raise both philosophical and practical concerns. Some argue that the U.S. is fundamentally governed as a republic, where elected representatives—not citizens directly—should make policy decisions. Others point to the cost and scalability of these practices. For example, convening a citizen assembly of 40 people in a municipality over several weekends is expensive and not easily replicable. This raises the question: do these processes meaningfully expand participation, or give a small group more access?

I posed these questions to Rahmin, whose responses reflected a thoughtful theory of change and a clear vision for why deliberative democracy matters. His key points included:

  • Citizen assemblies aren’t the whole game:
  • In a field often drawn to “silver bullet” solutions, citizen (or civic) assemblies have become the latest favorite. Popularized in places like Ireland, which held a national assembly to tackle the thorny issue of abortion, and France, which held one to define ambitious climate policies, they bring together a random assortment of citizens to debate an issue deeply and produce a recommendation—much like a jury for public policy.

    This approach has been used in places like Deschutes County, Oregon (to address youth homelessness), and Fort Collins, Colorado (to consider public land use).


While acknowledging their value, Rahmin sees them as one tool within a broader collaborative governance toolkit:

“So, I think (citizen assemblies are) like the Mercedes Benz, or whatever metaphor we want. It's a powerful tool. It should be used on our toughest issues. But if we frame it as collaborative governance, there's a whole other set of tools that are more accessible in between as well.”

  • The deliberation in deliberative democracy matters:

Many focus on the democracy part—the final recommendations—but Rahmin stresses the importance of the deliberation itself.

In an era of deepening affective polarization, when people struggle to engage across ideological divides, deliberative processes can create space for constructive dialogue. They allow participants to grapple with complex public problems while engaging with those who may hold opposing views—all within the context of solving a real issue.

As Rahmin articulates, “We need more voice in general. As much as we can move that voice in the direction of an informed voice, the better.”

  • The broader vision is a new democracy. I find that one of the weaknesses of the deliberative democracy ecosystem is a lack of a comprehensive theory of change - what do proponents want to accomplish? How do you get from a few people helping to decide how to spend a public budget or choose a public issue to widespread systemic change?

For Rahmin, the goal isn’t incremental reform—it’s wholesale transformation:

As he expresses, “I think if this stuff just looks like incremental add-ons to the status quo - whatever liberal democracy that we've had the last 3 decades- no one's going to care….

So this is an area where, frankly, I'd love to have more allies envisioning how we can work better together, because otherwise we're preaching to the choir and having lovely Zoom calls amongst a very small community and not really reaching the public.”

Ultimately, Rahmin argues, we must offer people “a new kind of democracy.”

I came away from our conversation with a deeper understanding of the deliberative democracy sector and a clearer sense of how Rahmin sees its potential to transform—not just supplement—our democratic system.

Scott Warren is a fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University. He is co-leading a trans-partisan effort to protect the basic parameters, rules, and institutions of the American republic. He is the co-founder of Generation Citizen, a national civics education organization.


Read More

Voter receives a pen from poll worker at polling station.

A civic petition calling for constitutional restraint, civil discourse, bipartisan cooperation, and equal justice to strengthen American democracy and national unity.

SDI Productions/Getty Images

A Contemporary Olive Branch Petition

To the President of the United States, the Leaders of the Congress, and Our Fellow Americans Entrusted with the Powers of Government:

When, in the ordinary course of a free republic, disagreements arise among citizens concerning the proper exercise of power, it is neither unusual nor dishonorable that earnest convictions should differ. Such diversity has long been the strength of our nation, for liberty has never depended upon unanimity of opinion, but upon mutual respect under a common Constitution.

Keep ReadingShow less
Close-up shot of a Black woman's hands receiving a mail-in ballot to vote in a USA Presidential, Senatorial, Congressional, or local election

Federal investigators spent eight months reviewing the Allied Pilots Association election, examining ballot secrecy, observer rights, election records and transparency before allowing the results to stand.

Jeremy Poland/Getty Images

What a Federal Investigation of a Union Election Can Teach Us About Democratic Trust

For eight months, federal investigators examined allegations involving ballot secrecy, observer rights, election records and reporting procedures in a contested union election before allowing the result to stand.

Following a disputed election within the Allied Pilots Association (APA), complaints led to a formal review by the U.S. Department of Labor's Office of Labor-Management Standards. Investigators spent months going through election records, audit logs, witness testimony and technical documentation before reaching their conclusion.

Keep ReadingShow less
50501 Movement – Thomas Paine’s Political Philosophy in the 21st Century

circa 1770: The English-born American revolutionary philosopher Thomas Paine, (1737 - 1809), who wrote and published 'The Rights of Man', (1791 - 1792), in England. In it he expressed his support for the French Revolution and called for the overthrow of the British monarchy.

(Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

50501 Movement – Thomas Paine’s Political Philosophy in the 21st Century

The 50501 Movement can be viewed as a 21st-century manifestation of the anti-authoritarian, pro-egalitarian framework that Thomas Paine championed in Common Sense. Both movements share a core belief in challenging entrenched power and mobilizing the collective voice of everyday people to defend democracy. By utilizing decentralized, nationwide grassroots mobilization to challenge executive overreach and billionaire consolidation, the 50501 movement directly echoes Paine’s anti-authoritarianism, his belief in collective civic power, and his demand that power remains in the hands of the people.

The 50501 Movement mirrors the spirit of Paine’s Common Sense through three primary parallels:

Keep ReadingShow less
  Creative Images & Video Creative Images & Video Images Creative Editorial Video Creative Editorial  Search by image or video I Voted Today paper sticker on mans finger on rustic wooden table

How class, identity, and political recognition shaped the Democratic Party's relationship with rural white working-class voters over two decades.

BackyardProduction/Getty Images

The Thousand Injuries: The Not-Qwhite Voter and the Politics of Recognition

In the fall of 2003, Howard Dean said he wanted to be the candidate for guys with Confederate flags in the back windows of their pickup trucks. It was clumsy but not dishonest. He meant that his party had written off a whole category of American voter and wanted to change that. He was attacked at once, mostly by his own side, and walked it back within forty-eight hours. The lesson his party drew was not that the outreach had been badly phrased; It was that the outreach itself was impermissible, that to pursue the rural white working class voter was to be complicit with everything he was presumed to represent. Dean was the last major Democrat to try, and the consequences have accumulated in the shape of the electoral map.

Edgar Allan Poe understood something the party still does not. "The Cask of Amontillado" opens with a line that ought to hang in every campaign office: the thousand injuries of Fortunato the narrator had borne as best he could, but when Fortunato ventured upon insult, he vowed revenge. Injuries can be borne as long as the injured man believes his tormentors still regard his suffering as real. The insult is different. It reframes the injuries as deserved, telling the sufferer he is the kind of person who deserves to suffer. Poe's narrator does not recalculate his interests; he takes his revenge at great cost to himself. That is not irrational but human, and it is the most precise framework we have for what has happened to rural white working-class voters over the last twenty years.

Keep ReadingShow less