The Rescissions Act of 2025 was finally passed on July 18 and its implications will reverberate across continents. This $9 billion budget cut represents far more than fiscal housekeeping—it signals a fundamental retreat from America's role as the world's primary humanitarian superpower.
The bill represents a significant fiscal policy initiative that seeks to permanently cancel previously allocated but unspent federal budget authority - known as 'rescissions'. Introduced in the House on June 6, 2025, by Representative Steve Scalise and five Republican co-sponsors, this legislation implements budget rescissions proposed by President Trump on June 3, 2025, under the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974. The cuts essentially codify actions taken by the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) over recent months - which has been criticized for appropriating congressional authority over budgetary matters by halting spending previously approved by Congress.
The bill operates within a well-established legal framework that requires Congressional approval for presidential rescission requests within 45 days. However, while it used to be routine, as with many things Congressional the process has foundered. Since 1974, presidents have submitted a total of 1,178 rescissions, of which 461 have been approved. President Reagan was the 'rescissionist-in-chief', with $15 billion in cuts through 101 rescissions — about 4% of discretionary spending at the time. President Clinton, the last president to preside over a budget surplus, was also the last to see a presidentially-proposed rescission enacted - until now. And president Trump has already signalled his intent to use the similar process in the future to enact even more swingeing cuts.
The Club for Growth gave a full-throated call for bucking the trend as it called for legislators to pass the bill. It noted that, "Our national debt stands at nearly $37 trillion, and troubling signs are emerging that bond markets no longer believe America will get its fiscal house in order. . . The message from the markets could not be clearer: Congress must cut spending—and cut it now."
Of course, as well as cutting spending the deficit could be addressed by raising taxes. This would be seen by many as a reasonable way to spread the pain, although the recently passed spending bill instead opts for massive tax cuts which will balloon the deficit dwarf by an amount orders of magnitude greater than the relatively modest cuts enacted by this bill. So how painful will the rescission be? Let's take a deep dive into the bill, and how it was amended during passage, and find out.
Read the full IssueVoter analysis here.
When Aid Dollars Disappear: The Human Cost of Budget Politics
The bill's most devastating cuts target international assistance programs with surgical precision. The $2.5 billion reduction in Development Assistance represents one of the largest single cuts in the legislation. These funds typically support poverty alleviation programs, infrastructure development, and economic growth initiatives in developing nations. The rescission would eliminate unobligated balances that had been appropriated but not yet committed to specific projects.
The Global Health Programs face cuts totaling $900 million across two separate funding streams—$500 million from the first paragraph allocation and $400 million from the second paragraph allocation under the Full-Year Continuing Appropriations Act of 2025. These reductions target programs that have historically formed the backbone of American global health leadership, including initiatives addressing infectious diseases, maternal health, and pandemic preparedness. The immediate impact would likely force program administrators to make difficult choices about which health interventions to maintain and which populations to prioritize.
In the crosshairs of the bill as originally drafted and passed by the House were programs such as The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, which was started by former President George W. Bush in 2003, and has been credited with saving over 25 million lives around the world. Mathematician Brooke Nichols has created a tracker, estimating how many people have died as a result of the funding freeze for PEPFAR implemented by DOGE in January. The total currently stands at over 80,000 and increasing.
Making these cuts permanent proved a step too far for some Senators, and the PEPFAR cuts were stripped out before the bill passed the first hurdle in the Senate on July 16.
Nichols has created more trackers, looking at the impact of DOGE cuts on USAID programs more broadly, and estimates 88 people are dying every single hour as a result of programs being withdrawn or scaled back. To date, that amounts to over 350,000 people.
Refugee Assistance in a World of Displacement
Perhaps no cut carries more immediate implications than the $800 million reduction in Migration and Refugee Assistance. This rescission targets unobligated balances from the Full-Year Continuing Appropriations Act of 2025, funds that would typically support refugee resettlement, emergency humanitarian response, and migration management programs worldwide. The administration's justification that "The UN has taken advantage of American generosity for too many years" while "192 other member states have profited from the American people while voting against American interests and allies" reflects broader frustration with multilateral burden-sharing arrangements. However, the immediate operational impact of these funding reductions would affect program implementation regardless of the underlying diplomatic tensions.
The Peacekeeping Paradox: Security Through Withdrawal
The peacekeeping cuts total $361 million across multiple appropriations: $203 million from 2024 Department of State appropriations and $158 million from 2025 continuing appropriations for International Peacekeeping Activities. The administration cites "the abject failure of the Lebanon peacekeeping mission to contain Hezbollah and the ongoing sexual exploitation and abuse in the Democratic Republic of the Congo" as justification for reducing support to UN peacekeeping operations.
Domestic Ripple Effects: Public Broadcasting and Cultural Diplomacy
The legislation also targets the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which provides funding to NPR and PBS, permanently rescinding funding allocated for fiscal years 2026 and 2027. This would save up to $1.1 billion and targets entities that the White House claims spread 'woke propaganda'. "There is no reason for any media organization to be singled out to receive federal funds," House Speaker Mike Johnson said. "Especially those who appear to have so little regard for the truth." These cuts have proven the most controversial in many ways, with even Republicans expressing concern they may affect the ability of local media to warn residents about emergencies such as earthquakes and hurricanes.
The Journey to Rescission
The U.S. budget is a complicated beast. The Big Beautiful Bill, which was signed by the President on July 4, passed through Congress with the slenderest of margins, but only required a simple majority in both chambers. The rescission bill interestingly also only required a simple majority to pass as it is eligible for fast-track consideration.
Congress had 45 days to act on the package, and therefore had to approve the bill before July 18. It passed out of the House in its original version 214 votes to 212 on June 12 with four Republicans joining all democrats in opposing the bill. Then followed frantic horse trading in the Senate as leadership tried to push the bill through before the deadline. Stripping out the PEPFAR cuts proved enough for all but three Republican senators to back the bill on its first vote, with Vice President Vance casting a tie breaking vote. Sens. Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, and Mitch McConnell broke with their party and voted with Democrats to oppose the bill.
The bill faced its final vote in the Senate on July 17 and passed by 51 votes - McConnell having a change of heart and passing the bill at the second attempt. Passionate speeches by Democrats attempting to protect public broadcasting feel on deaf ears. "If you want to watch the left-wing propaganda, turn on MSNBC. But the taxpayers should not be forced to subsidize it.", said Sen. Ted Cruz during the debate.
It then went back to the House and was finally passed on a 216 - 213 vote. It now goes to the President's desk for signature.
Looking Ahead: The Intersection of Fiscal and Foreign Policy
It is worth noting that Congress also needs to pass the 12 annual spending bills, which would require 60 votes to pass the Senate - and so will require some bipartisan support from Democrats. And that support may be in short supply now Republicans have passed this package of massive cuts, according to Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer.
“This is beyond bait and switch — it is a bait and poison-to-kill. Senate Republicans must reject this partisan path and instead work with Democrats on a bipartisan appropriations process,” he said in a letter to Democrat colleagues before the bill passed, noting a reported deal in which Trump officials promised to defund certain programs in exchange for support with Trump's tax and spending bill.
The reality of the U.S. looming fiscal crisis will require tough choices from whichever party is in power. And realistically that will involve both steep spending cuts and tax rises - a politically unpalatable mix. Some of you may be old enough to remember George H. W. Bush's powerful pledge in 1988: 'Read my lips: no new taxes', yet only two years later he was forced to agree to tax increases to help curb deficit increases when facing a similar crisis. The broken promise is often cited as the main reason he lost the presidency to Bill Clinton in 1992.
Time will tell whether the current president or a future one will pay a similar price for refusing to be honest with the electorate over what is needed. Or maybe brutal spending cuts to programs that don't affect Americans directly, such as overseas aid, will be enough to both put the economy on an even keel and blunt any backlash. But the effect on America's place in the world may be harder to blunt.
The Rescissions Act of 2025 represents a test case for whether fiscal conservatism and global leadership can coexist in contemporary American politics. Supporters argue that fiscal responsibility ultimately strengthens America's capacity for international leadership by maintaining economic strength and public support for engagement. Critics contend that the cuts undermine precisely the tools that have made American leadership effective and attractive to potential partners.
For the affected programs and their intended beneficiaries, these Washington debates represent significant policy shifts with real-world implications. The rescission signals Congressional priorities regarding the balance between fiscal discipline and international engagement, with relatively small savings to the huge federal budget deficit being used to justify a sea change in American attitudes to the rest of the world. And the rest of the world will take notice, and seek new allies and supports. The U.S. government may not like the allies they choose, but will be left with few levers to influence those choices.
IssueVoter Bill of the Month (July 2025): The Global Stakes of America’s $9.4 Billion Budget Cut was originally published by Bill Track 50 and is republished with permission.
Stephen Rogers is a Data Wrangler at BillTrack50.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.