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Harvard students joined in a rally protesting the Supreme Courts ruling against affirmative action in 2023.
Craig F. Walker/The Boston Globe via Getty Images
Diversity Has Become a Dirty Word. It Doesn’t Have to Be.
Jan 06, 2026
I have an identical twin sister. Although our faces can unlock each other’s iPhones, even the two of us are not exactly the same. If identical twins can differ, wouldn’t most people be different too? Why is diversity considered a bad word?
Like me, my twin sister is in computing, yet we are unique in many ways. She works in industry, while I am in academia. She’s allergic to guinea pigs, while I had pet guinea pigs (yep, that’s how she found out). Even our voices aren’t the same. As a kid, I was definitely the chattier one, while she loved taking walks together in silence (which, of course, drove me crazy).
Just last month, universities have been changing the names of committees to remove the word “diversity,” magazines for women and Black students are being shut down, nonprofits providing scholarships for Hispanic students are being sued, and companies are eliminating their Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs and stopping annual diversity reports.
In 2025, in the United States, “diversity” has been flagged as a word to avoid. But is it really a bad word? People, by nature, vary. We grow up in a range of countries, states, and cities. We may be different ages or genders and come from many cultures, religions, racial and ethnic backgrounds, and socioeconomic situations. Our brains don’t all work the same, as some of us experience ADHD, autism, or other forms of neurodiversity. According to the World Health Organization, more than one billion people worldwide have disabilities. Many have experienced trauma, illness, cancer, or are supporting relatives who have.
Our experiences are all unique and form us into who we are.
Growing up as a female computer scientist, I often stood out in classes and professional environments. Once, at a robotics competition, a well-known female professor from another university greeted me by name. I was shocked (and honored!). I asked my fellow students how she knew who I was, and one of them said something like, “Look around you,” and I realized I was the only female in my group. I guess it wasn’t too hard to learn my name.
People are diverse in many ways.
As an associate professor in a school of information sciences, one of the things I love most is the variety of academic backgrounds and expertise around me. I learn something new every day from my colleagues’ work, while also contributing my own perspectives to our conversations.
When it comes to my research on accessibility, my students and I discuss these differences, and I’ve been struggling to come to terms with why diversity has become a word we are no longer using.
Researchers are removing the word “diversity” from grants, 35 major companies rolled back their DEI programs, and the federal government is calling DEI programs illegal. Target, which had once been an advocate for diversity, has been removing the word from its reports. Many are boycotting Target due to its reversal of DEI policies, which affected its Black Friday sales.
While some DEI initiatives have fallen short, thoughtfully refining them would have been a better approach than abandoning diversity altogether.
Having diversity is a positive. Research shows that diverse teams can be more effective. Diversity can lead to better problem-solving and outcomes that benefit a wider range of people.
Standing up for diversity is not going to be easy in today’s times. It will take courage to focus on the strength of our multiple perspectives, backgrounds, and experiences instead of hiding them. By noticing and valuing our differences, we can create spaces where everyone’s contributions are recognized and welcome.
If even identical twins aren’t exactly identical, why would we expect a community, workplace, or classroom to be?
I hope we take the time to appreciate the diverse experiences of our friends, colleagues, and students, and consider how we can turn diversity into a positive for everyone.
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photo of dollar coins and banknotes
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The Domestic Sting: Why the Tariff Bill is Arriving at the American Door
Jan 06, 2026
America's tariff experiment, now nearly a year old, is proving more painful than its architects anticipated. What began as a bold stroke to shield domestic industries and force concessions from trading partners has instead delivered a slow-burning rise in prices, complicating the Federal Reserve's battle against inflation. As the policy grinds on, economists warn that the real damage lies ahead, with consumers and businesses absorbing costs that erode purchasing power and economic momentum. This is not the quick victory promised but a protracted burden that risks entrenching higher prices just as the economy seeks stability.
The tariffs, rolled out in phases since early March 2025, have jacked up the average import duty from 2 percent to around 17 percent. Imported goods prices have climbed 4 percent since then, outpacing the 2 percent rise in domestic equivalents. Items like coffee, which the United States cannot produce at scale, have seen the sharpest hikes, alongside products from heavily penalized countries such as China. Retailers and importers, far from passing all costs abroad as hoped, have shouldered much of the load initially, limiting immediate sticker shock. Yet daily pricing data from major chains reveal a creeping pass-through: imported goods up 5 percent overall, domestic up 2.5 percent. Cautious sellers absorb some hit to avoid losing market share, but this restraint is fading as tariffs are embedded in supply chains.
Academic tracking of over 350,000 products underscores the pattern. Prices for tariff-hit imports have risen, though below the full duty rates, indicating partial absorption by foreign exporters and U.S. firms. This near-complete pass-through to U.S. importers - who then relay it to buyers - is creating a tangible drag on households already strained by post-pandemic finances. By August, tariffs accounted for 0.5 percentage points of headline personal consumption expenditures inflation and 0.4 points of core, explaining nearly 11 percent of the year's headline rise. Small and medium-sized businesses, surveyed through mid-year, report doubling their effective tariff payments from 6.5 percent in January to 11.4 percent by July, with expectations of enduring 25 percent rates fueling plans for broader price adjustments.
This domestic sting contrasts sharply with the White House narrative. Officials insist foreign producers will eat the costs to cling to America's vast market, preserving U.S. leverage without pain at home. Reality tells a different story. Total tariff costs could hit $1.2 trillion this year, with consumers footing $592 billion in higher prices. Goldman Sachs pegs the consumer share at 55 percent now, potentially climbing to 70 percent in 2026 as inventories deplete and contracts renegotiate.
The Federal Reserve finds itself caught in the crossfire. Tariffs complicate its dual mandate, injecting upside risks into inflation just as rate cuts aim to spur growth. Projections now see 2025 core personal consumption expenditures inflation at 3.1 percent, up 0.3 points from pre-tariff forecasts, with headline at 2.7 percent. Policymakers have paused easing, with one fewer cut eyed for 2026, as tariff-driven pressures on durables like appliances and electronics add 0.33 percentage points to core goods prices alone. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests a 0.75 percent bump in core consumer prices from direct import effects, excluding knock-on effects from input costs. Investment goods face steeper price increases: a 25 percent across-the-board tariff could lift their prices by 9.5 percent, compared with 2.2 percent for consumer items, curbing business spending and amplifying slowdowns.
Global ripples compound the trouble. Retaliatory measures from Canada, Mexico, and the European Union have trimmed China's growth forecast to 4.4 percent, dragging U.S. exports and supply chains. The dollar's 7 percent slide since December offers scant buffer, as it further raises import bills. Early dynamics mimic a demand shock, with pullbacks in spending temporarily easing inflation, but models predict a rebound: unemployment ticks up initially, then activity recovers amid stickier prices. For consumers, this means less variety on shelves, from apparel to electronics, as retailers prune options rather than absorb endless costs.
The irony runs deep. Tariffs were sold as a tool to revive manufacturing, yet they now fuel the very inflation they were meant to counter. To address this, we must move beyond rhetoric and toward concrete civic solutions. We need to mandate a bimonthly, non-partisan audit of the tariff’s costs to the American public. This audit should include an automatic "trigger" for Congressional review if the data shows the "sting" on consumers - measured by price pass-through and impact on the Fed's inflation mandate - has become too high.
Such reform would ensure that protectionism remains a calculated strategy rather than a blind burden. As 2026 looms, with pass-through accelerating, the policy's flaws stand exposed. Reversing course would be admitting defeat; doubling down invites a recession. Ultimately, these safeguards are necessary because, as the current data proves, protectionism's bill always arrives at the domestic door, paid in full by those least able to afford it.
Imran Khalid is a physician, geostrategic analyst, and freelance writer.
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Image generated by IVN staff.
Why Mathematicians Love Ranked Choice Voting
Jan 06, 2026
The Institute for Mathematics and Democracy (IMD) has released what may be the most comprehensive empirical study of ranked choice voting ever conducted. The 66-page report analyzes nearly 4,000 real-world ranked ballot elections, including some 2,000 political elections, and more than 60 million simulated ones to test how different voting methods perform.
The study’s conclusion is clear. Ranked choice voting methods outperform traditional first-past-the-post elections on nearly every measure of democratic fairness.
IMD’s research team, led by mathematicians from Wellesley College, William Jewell College, Colby College, High Point University, and Boston University, found that IRV and Condorcet methods of tabulation consistently produce outcomes that better reflect the majority will and reduce the effects of vote splitting and “spoiler” candidates.
“The best performing methods are IRV and Condorcet,” the report concludes. “They are least likely to be susceptible to spoiler effects, are mostly resistant to strategic voting, and are unlikely to elect weak or fringe candidates.”
Mathematics for Democracy
Founded in 2019, the Institute for Mathematics and Democracy brings together academics, educators, and civic leaders around a single mission: to use mathematics as a force for democratic renewal.
Ismar Volic, the institute’s director, said the study reflects that mission in action.
“We need better electoral engineering, namely a better design of mechanisms of democracy that would produce outcomes that are favorable to more people,” he said.
At its core, the Institute believes that mathematical literacy is civic literacy, and that understanding how votes are counted is just as essential as casting them.
The Evidence Behind Reform
IMD’s latest research analyzed ranked-choice data from Australia, Scotland, and the United States, alongside simulated models based on tens of millions of hypothetical ballots. Across both real and simulated elections, IRV and Condorcet methods agreed on the winning candidate in an overwhelming majority of cases.
Plurality voting, the system used in most U.S. elections, performed the worst. It regularly rewarded polarizing candidates and encouraged strategic “lesser of two evils” voting.
Ranked systems, on the other hand, gave voters the freedom to express their full preferences without fear of wasting a vote and encourage moderation, since candidates must appeal beyond their base to earn second-choice rankings.
While IRV earned praise for its simplicity and real-world adoption, Condorcet stood out in the data as the most mathematically fair system. Condorcet methods were found to be “the most resistant to the spoiler effect” and to produce the most broadly supported winners.
The report notes that Condorcet elections were the best at avoiding “fringe” or extreme candidates. This is because Condorcet elections avoid a “center squeeze” in which a candidate preferred by a majority of voters when considered head-to-head against either a candidate on the left or a candidate on the right cannot prevail.
From Theory to Practice
The IMD’s work connects with a growing academic interest in how mathematics can inform public policy. Among those bridging that gap is Nobel Laureate Eric Maskin, who spoke at the Institute’s recent conference on mathematics and democracy held at Wellesley College in Massachusetts.
Maskin, a pioneer in the field of mechanism design, studies how institutions can be structured to achieve socially desirable outcomes.
“Mechanism design is centered around the goals that society wants to attain,” he explained. “The idea is to try to figure out a mechanism or an institution or a procedure that will attain those goals.”
In his presentation, Maskin highlighted the same flaw that IMD’s study quantifies: First-past-the-post elections too often produce winners that most voters actually oppose. He advocated for Condorcet-style voting, in which voters rank candidates, and the winner is the one who would defeat all others in head-to-head matchups.
He also spoke about the challenge of translating technical research for a broader audience.
“It’s actually much harder to write for a general audience,” he said. “They’re not going to understand the language that professionals use. I have to think about every word, and I don’t want to oversimplify.”
That commitment to clarity mirrors the Institute’s philosophy. For IMD, reform depends as much on education as on analysis. The organization focuses on teaching citizens how to evaluate claims about fairness, data, and democracy.
“Most ideas for reform, if you trace them back, go back to an academic,” Maskin said. “But it can’t end with academics. There’s also the very practical problem: how do you get these changes adopted?”
The Path Forward
Maskin pointed to ranked-choice voting initiatives in Maine, Alaska, New York City, and San Francisco as examples of progress made possible by education.
“In order for the public to be willing to vote for change,” he said, “they have to be educated. They have to understand why the current system is flawed and why the new proposal is better.”
That is precisely the Institute’s mission: to make democracy not just fairer, but smarter.
Through its research, teaching, and outreach, the mathematicians at IMD are helping citizens see elections the way mathematicians do, not as static contests but as underlying systems that can be designed, tested, and improved.
If democracy is a design problem, perhaps it is time to let the mathematicians help solve it.
Why Mathematicians Love Ranked Choice Voting was originally published by Independent Voter News and is republished with permission.
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US Capitol and South America. Nicolas Maduro’s capture is not the end of an era. It marks the opening act of a turbulent transition
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Nicolas Maduro’s Capture: Sovereignty Only Matters When It’s Convenient
Jan 06, 2026
The U.S. capture of Nicolás Maduro will be remembered as one of the most dramatic American interventions in Latin America in a generation. But the real story isn’t the raid itself. It’s what the raid reveals about the political imagination of the hemisphere—how quickly governments abandon the language of sovereignty when it becomes inconvenient, and how easily Washington slips back into the posture of regional enforcer.
The operation was months in the making, driven by a mix of narcotrafficking allegations, geopolitical anxiety, and the belief that Maduro’s security perimeter had finally cracked. The Justice Department’s $50 million bounty—an extraordinary price tag for a sitting head of state—signaled that the U.S. no longer viewed Maduro as a political problem to be negotiated with, but as a criminal target to be hunted.
That shift tells us that the United States, even under leaders who claim to reject interventionism, still defaults to force when diplomacy becomes slow or inconvenient. And it tells us that Latin America, despite decades of rhetoric about autonomy and non‑intervention, remains structurally vulnerable to the decisions made in Washington.
Predictably, governments across the region expressed shock. Some condemned the raid as a violation of sovereignty. Others issued carefully worded statements about “regional stability.” But the truth is that many of these same governments had privately urged the U.S. to “do something,” as migration pressures, criminal networks, and political instability spilled across borders.
This is the quiet contradiction at the heart of hemispheric politics: countries want the benefits of U.S. power without the responsibility of endorsing it. They want stability without fingerprints. They want intervention without admitting they asked for it.
The operation was not a spontaneous strike. It was the endpoint of a strategic buildup: intelligence escalation, regional pressure, and a belief that Maduro’s inner circle was fracturing. But the U.S. has now inherited something far more complicated than a criminal case.
It has inherited the story.
Washington will now be blamed for whatever comes next—whether Venezuela fractures, whether migration surges, whether foreign powers attempt to fill the vacuum. The U.S. chose to remove a head of state; it cannot now pretend to be a bystander to the consequences.
The country stands at a crossroads with no easy path forward:
- A military split between hardliners and officers seeking legitimacy
- A political class unprepared for sudden transition
- Foreign actors—Russia, Iran, Cuba—calculating their next move
- A population exhausted by crisis but wary of externally imposed solutions
Maduro’s capture may feel like justice to some, but justice without a plan is simply disruption.
The question now is not whether the U.S. was justified. The question is whether the hemisphere is prepared to confront the implications of what it quietly allowed to happen.
If Latin America wants sovereignty, it must build the institutions that make sovereignty real. If the U.S. wants stability, it must resist the temptation to treat military success as political strategy. And if Venezuela wants a future beyond strongmen—whether homegrown or foreign—it must craft a transition that centers legitimacy, not expedience.
Maduro’s capture is not the end of an era. It is the start of a far more complicated chapter.
Nicolas Maduro’s Capture: Sovereignty Only Matters When It’s Convenient was first published on the Latino News Network and was republished with permission.
Hugo Balta is the publisher of the Latino News Network executive editor of The Fulcrum.
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