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GOP completes multipronged curbs on access to the vote in Iowa

Early voting in Iowa

Voters line up to cast early ballots in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. The window to do has been shortened by a new law.

Mario Tama/Getty Images

Iowa has become the first state this year making it much tougher to vote. It's the vanguard of a nationwide Republican effort to curtail access to the ballot box in response to last year's record turnout, central to both President Biden's election and former President Donald Trump's baseless claims of fraud.

GOP Gov. Kim Reynolds on Monday signed a sweeping set of tightened election rules pushed through the General Assembly two weeks ago without a single Democratic supporter.

The law reduces in-person early voting to 20 days, from 29, and shortens the time the polls are open Election Day by 60 minutes, to 13 hours. Local officials are now barred from proactively sending out vote-by-mail application forms. And absentee ballots arriving after the polls close will be discarded, eliminating a six-day grace period for Postal Service delays.


In addition, Iowans may no longer turn over their sealed vote envelopes for delivery by partisan operatives or community activists, the practice critics deride as "ballot harvesting." And Iowans will from now on be removed from the rolls if they skip a single general election and don't report a change in address or register as a voter again.

Finally, there is a new limit of one ballot drop box in each of the 99 counties, no matter how remote or urban, and counties may not set up satellite in-person early voting sites unless formally petitioned by residents.

Like their legislative colleagues pushing more than 250 similarly restrictive proposals in 42 other states, GOP lawmakers in charge of the General Assembly say the tougher rules are necessary guards against cheating — although Iowa has no history of election irregularities and November's election generated record-shattering 75 percent turnout statewide (9 points better than the national number) without any credible hint of shenanigans.

"These additional steps promote more transparency and accountability, giving Iowans even greater confidence to cast their ballot," the governor said upon signing the bill.

"While politicians may claim these provisions ensure 'election integrity,' they do nothing of the sort," countered the Democratic Party's most prominent election litigator, Marc Elias. "They are a result of the record turnout in Iowa and the nation in 2020. This bill will impose unconstitutional burdens on minority, elderly and disabled voters and cannot be permitted to stand."

He promised to file federal lawsuits in Iowa and any other states that follow its lead.

Some of the most prominent efforts are in states that Biden turned blue after they went red in 2016: Pennsylvania, Arizona and maybe most notably Georgia, where the House has debated curbs on "souls to the polls" early voting on Sundays and on Monday the Senate voted to end no-excuse absentee voting.

But Trump took Iowa's six electoral votes by a comfortable 8 points, a slightly bigger margin than four years before. Moreover, Republicans picked up two U.S. House seats in the state, GOP Sen. Joni Ernst survived a dogged and well-financed challenge and the party's legislative majority expanded, too.

And those successes came even as 76 percent of Democrats voted by mail or early and in person — but only 52 percent of Republicans did so in response to Trump's campaign of falsehoods. Overall, a record 60 percent of votes statewide were cast ahead of Election Day, mainly as a consequence of an array of election easements by county officials responding to the pandemic.

On Monday, Heritage Action, a national conservative group, announced a $10 million advertising and grassroots mobilization campaign across eight states, including Iowa, to drum up support for legislation curbing absentee ballots, stiffening voter ID and citizenship verification rules, and more active culling of registration lists. The group's executive director, Jessica Anderson, praised Iowa's new law but urged the General Assembly to do more.

There were 12 convictions for election misconduct in Iowa in the past two years, the state's nonpartisan Legislative Services Agency told lawmakers as they debated the package.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

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