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Kevin McCarthy’s downfall may lead to a new center for America

Kevin McCarthy’s downfall may lead to a new center for America
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Anderson edited "Leveraging: A Political, Economic and Societal Framework" (Springer, 2014), has taught at five universities and ran for the Democratic nomination for a Maryland congressional seat in 2016.

It is either ironic, a harbinger of good things to come, hard to read or some combination that the crisis on Capitol Hill revolving around the ousting of Speaker McCarthy has generated considerable discussion about the need to find a new center for the politics of the U.S. House of Representatives.


A range of pundits and members have recommended that moderates in the Republican caucus or both the Republican and Democratic caucuses take actions that would elect a moderate Speaker of the House. Moreover, Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries (NY) has recommended that a handful of moderate Republicans work with Democrats to elect a moderate Republican Speaker who would nevertheless forge a bipartisan relationship with the Democratic caucus to ensure that a set of rules be changed so that they give the Democrats more leverage in House Committees and on the Floor of the House.

What is ironic and possibly a harbinger of good is that the ousting of Speaker McCarthy was the idea of arch conservative Florida Representative Matt Gaetz. Joined by seven other arch conservatives, Gaetz led the way for McCarthy to be ejected from his seat as Speaker, the first Speaker in U.S. history to leave his seat due to a vote to vacate. Thus it would be ironic if moderation emerged from this very right wing source.

Arch conservative Trump close ally Ohio Representative Jim Jordan is currently nominated by the Republican caucus to be Speaker. If he wins, and the odds are not really in his favor, moderation and bipartisanship will have to wait for another opportunity to seize the day.

Regardless of the outcome, the very fact that there are different calls for moderation and bipartisanship is illuminating and even a source for hope. Those who claim that all Democrats are extremely liberal or socialists cannot push this line of thinking today. Those who say that the Problem Solvers Caucus founded by No Labels is more talk than action must recognize that the Problem Solvers keep getting up from the mat after they seem to have been knocked down.

Those who say that the Senator Manchins and Senator Sinemas of the world who have been barking up the wrong tree should take a good look at the various forces in Washington that suggest that we do not have a civil war between extremists liberals and extremist conservatives. Instead, we have two parties with rival factions and enough members who are disgusted with the extremists to at least make moderation and bipartisanship a genuine possibility.

Perhaps the next step in this saga of our national politics is for the people of the United States to get into the arena, especially via their votes in the upcoming primary season. About 40% of our citizens, according to Gallup, do not identify with either major party -- they are independents. We also get between 20 percent and 40 percent turnout in our primaries. The base turns out the most voters, and they are also least likely to be centrists or moderates.

These voters, independents and those who typically sit out primaries and even general elections, can also take seriously independent candidates for office who could provide a distinct third force on Capitol Hill. This would advance the republic to a very different place, one where not bipartisanship but tri-partisanship would rule. For if the Senate had 5-6 independents and the House had 10-15, then it would be necessary for both parties to work with the independents.

It certainly seems possible that if some upstanding non-extremists are the nominees for president from the two major parties, like Nikki Haley, former Republican Governor of South Carolina and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, and -- if President Biden determines it is time to pass the baton -- Gavin Newsom, Democratic Governor of California and former Mayor of San Francisco, then America could be in a position to craft a new center for its politics whoever wins the election. This new center might wax and wane every four to six years and not itself be a definite place on the ideological spectrum.

Open primaries, ranked choice voting, and nonpartisan redistricting will be needed to move this process at a warp factor speed, but we should not underestimate the power voters have right now at the voting booth and at their mail boxes. Rep. Gaetz was successful in getting Kevin McCarthy removed from his seat as Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, but he may have put enough things into place to reset our national politics in a promising direction.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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Why Nationalizing Elections Threatens America’s Federalist Design

The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

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The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Where is our nation headed — and why does it feel as if the country is spinning out of control under leaders who cannot, or will not, steady it?

Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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