Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Learning from the drama in Ottawa: Protest should be the last resort, not the first

Protest by Canadian truckers

Supporters leave messages for trucker drivers protesting pandemic health rules outside the Canadian parliament in Ottawa.

Ed Jones/AFP via Getty Images

Leighninger is head of democracy innovation for the National Conference on Citizenship.

The blockade of Ottawa by Canadian truckers has finally come to an end. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoked the federal Emergencies Act and Ottawa police moved in to evict the protesters, who were voicing their opposition to vaccine mandates. The truckers continued to wave the Canadian flag, but most either left peacefully or were arrested.

In the United States and Canada, we often romanticize protest — at least when we agree with the cause the protesters are supporting. Protesters are going to great lengths, and sometimes putting their lives on the line, to express their opinions on important public matters. They are exercising their rights to free speech and assembly because they don’t feel heard in any other way. One notable history of the protest movements of the 1960s is titled, “Democracy Is in the Streets.”

Or is it? Nonviolent protesters may be brave, but they aren’t necessarily informed, principled or acting in the best interests of their communities and country. Even when it is peaceful, a protest is not a safe space for people who disagree to negotiate and find common ground. It is not an environment that helps people absorb information and sort out fact from fiction. And protesting is dangerous, especially for people of color, indigenous people, religious minorities, and members of other groups that are already subjected to discrimination and violence.


Democracy works better indoors — at least it should. Unfortunately, while most of our “indoor” democratic opportunities are safer than protesting, they are generally not empowering, participatory or collaborative. Most public meetings and hearings operate by a 100-year-old formula that gives citizens a few minutes at a microphone to express their concerns. Even the layout of the room reinforces a kind of “parent-child” dynamic between public officials and the public, with officials sitting in comfortable chairs on a raised dais with name plaques while citizens mill about below. These official interactions tend to make everyone angry, and they increase mistrust between citizens and government.

There are, however, many proven ways of making democracy work better. Around the world, citizens and officials have developed innovations that make governance more informed, equitable and deliberative. Many of these reforms and practices give people a greater voice in public decisions and inspire citizens to devote some of their time, energy and skills to their communities.

These reforms and practices include engagement commissions, large-scale deliberative processes, serious games, participatory budgeting, citizen’s assemblies, SMS-enabled discussions, youth voice programs, crowdsourcing processes and many others. Democratic innovations have been instituted in many countries, from Iceland to Taiwan to Colombia, as well as at the local level in some U.S. cities. When asked in surveys and opinion polls, Americans favor these kinds of innovations, even across party lines: Support for these measures ranges from 75 percent to almost 90 percent, without significant differences between Republicans and Democrats.

An interesting benefit of protest is that the experience tends to bond people. Like the Black Lives Matter and Occupy Wall Street protesters before them, the Canadian truckers strengthened relationships and built trust with one another —for many it will turn out to have been a formative political experience. But protests don’t have to be the only opportunity for bonding: We can and should build more civic opportunities that have those same benefits into the ways that our institutions and communities function.

Polarization has become such a problem in America that many people can’t imagine having a reasonable conversation, let alone a productive encounter at a public meeting, with someone on the “other side.” And it is true that not everyone is capable of being reasonable. But the vast majority of Americans, and Canadians, have enough common decency that — especially if they are in a safe, supportive environment for deliberation — they can listen to one another’s experiences, analyze information together, disagree politely on some things and agree wholeheartedly on others. To overcome polarization, and to deal with shared challenges, we need more of these kinds of opportunities in public life.

Though the drama in Ottawa ended with more of a whimper than a bang, the conclusion will probably not make either the truckers or their opponents happy (or the downtown businesses and tow truck companies thathave been caught in the middle). It may make Canadians who were hesitant about vaccines more resistant. It may help extremists co-opt the Canadian flag and portray their causes as patriotic.

Even in a more successfully democratic society, there should always be room for protest. Many social movements have achieved great benefits to society, particularly in advancing civil rights, by taking to the streets. Free speech and assembly should be protected, because protest is the last resort for people who want a say in public decisions. But if it is the only resort, we all lose.


Read More

An illustration of the U.S. flag on the shape of the U.S. with blue and red figures of people across it.

Every state has its own constitution.

How State Constitutions Became the Battleground for American Rights and Liberties – on Both the Left and Right

Beyond picking governors, state legislators, local officials and representatives to serve in Congress, voters in almost every state this year will have the opportunity to amend the language of their state constitution. In one state, they could potentially rewrite the constitution altogether.

Though the U.S. Constitution is rarely amended, voters frequently amend their state constitutions. In every election cycle, voters are asked to ratify constitutional amendments.

Keep ReadingShow less
Protestors holding signs at a rally, one reads, "Trump is not above the law."

Protesters gather at a Nobody Is Above the Law rally protesting President Trump's interference in the Mueller investigation on November 08, 2018 in Washington, DC.

Larry French/Getty Images

The Double Standard Presidency: When We Watch Leaders Act Above the Law

Americans are told that no one is above the law. Yet every day, they watch a president behave in ways that would get any ordinary citizen fired, disciplined, confronted, or held accountable — and they watch some Americans excuse it. What makes this moment even more striking is that critics across the political spectrum, including conservatives, now warn that the presidency is operating on a dangerous double standard. This is not a partisan concern. It is a constitutional one. And it is tearing at the fabric of our democracy.

For generations, the Constitution has provided guardrails — separation of powers, checks and balances, oversight mechanisms, and limits on executive authority — designed to prevent any leader from functioning above the law. The framers feared concentrated power more than anything else. They believed that the presidency must be constrained not only by written law but by norms of restraint, dignity, and respect for institutions. Those norms held for centuries because presidents understood that the office was larger than any individual, and Congress understood that oversight was not optional.

Keep ReadingShow less
Study Reveals Sharp Generational Divide in How Latino Identity Influences Daily Life

Study Reveals Sharp Generational Divide in How Latino Identity Influences Daily Life

Latino immigrants and U.S.-born Latinos differ sharply in how much their identity shapes their daily lives, according to recent findings from the Pew Research Center’s 2025 National Survey of Latinos. The survey shows that Latino immigrants are far more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to say their identity is central to who they are, and that it influences their experiences in the United States. Pew researchers Gabriel Piña, Mark Hugo Lopez, Sahana Mukherjee, Dalia Fahmy, and Alexandra Cahn report that the divide reflects differences in cultural connection, lived experience, and generational distance from immigrant roots.

Pew’s analysis finds that Latino immigrants are significantly more likely to say their origins are central to their identity, while U.S.-born Latinos — especially those in the third generation or higher — are less likely to feel that connection. The report notes that “U.S. Hispanics are divided on whether their identity helps or hurts them in America,” with some respondents describing their Latino identity as a source of pride and connection, and others saying it is tied to discrimination or barriers.

Keep ReadingShow less
A Democracy Cannot Run on an AI Model

Clerk Matthew Sandbar, 34, demonstrates part of the ballot-sorting process to members of the media attending a walkthrough of the Philadelphia Ballot Processing Center used to process the ballots of the 2022 US midterm elections, in Philadelphia on October 27, 2022.

Photo by Ryan Collerd / AFP via Getty Images

A Democracy Cannot Run on an AI Model

Tallying the results of Washington, DC’s first ranked-choice election in June took about 10 days—longer than many voters are used to. In an age when artificial intelligence can generate an answer in seconds, waiting days for election results can feel old-fashioned, inefficient, even suspicious. And it is about to matter far more widely. This November, 17 states, cities, and counties will use ranked-choice voting, including Maine and Alaska statewide, in races that could help decide control of Congress. More voters than ever will watch results take days to resolve, and more will be asked to trust a count they cannot see.

But that slowness may be one of its most democratic features.

Keep ReadingShow less