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Photo by Darren Halstead on Unsplash
What War Powers?
Mar 07, 2026
This week the House has cut its session to just Weds-Thurs while the Senate has its standard Monday evening - Thursday schedule.
There's the usual mix in the House of some bills likely to pass with large majorities and and a couple that will probably be party-line or close to.
A moderate number of committee meetings are scheduled across both the House and Senate.
But what will likely be occupying most legislators' minds is the war launched against Iran this weekend.
As we've discussed in past posts, if one is abiding by the constitution, then Congress must be consulted on, and agree to, a war.
Instead, the Trump Administration has launched this war without consulting Congress. Thus, this week we're expecting votes in both chambers on whether to approve the war that's already ongoing or not. The House resolution, according to Punchbowl might pass while the Senate one is unlikely to do so.
Even if one or both of bills made it through both chambers, the President could simply veto any bill limiting his actions knowing that successful veto overrides are extremely rare.
If enough members of Congress support the attack on Iran to preclude a successful veto override, do the members who oppose it have any other options?
Yes they do, although you'd not know it from the comments many legislators are making today. For example, earlier today, Rep. Jeffries (D-NY8) was on CNN suggesting that the administration had chosen to buy weapons at the expense of programs for the US population. But as Aaron Reichlin-Melnick pointed out, "'The administration' didn’t find billions for bombs, Congress gave the U.S. military billions for bombs. Trump is just using them up."
And that's where Congress's real power potentially lies: in appropriations. Our colleagues at the First Branch Forecast discuss this in detail.
The bottom line is that this, like tariffs, is an area where Congress has ceded its own authority to the Executive Branch.
Another area where Republican legislators are looking to cede their authority is with respect to the SAVE America Act. This bill has proven controversial due to the barriers it would create for US citizens who want to register to vote. So, today, Semafor reports that some Senate Republicans are saying they'd like to see the President bypass Congress entirely. That may seem odd on its face; why would someone say out loud on the record that they'd really like to be rendered even more irrelevant? The answer is that this way, if it goes poorly, the president takes the blame and the members can dodge accountability for policies that they support.
With the attack on Iran introducing considerable uncertainty into the week, we'll see you all on Friday to find out what Congress decided to spend their time on.
What War Powers? was originally published on GovTrack.us and is republished with permission.
Amy West is the GovTrack research and communications manager.
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A general view of Tehran with smoke visible in the distance after explosions were reported in the city, on March 02, 2026 in Tehran, Iran.
(Photo by Contributor/Getty Images)
The spectacle of Operation Epic Fury
Mar 06, 2026
The U.S. and Israel’s joint military campaign against Iran, which rolled out under the name Operation Epic Fury, is a phrase that sounds more like a summer action film than a real‑world conflict in which people are dying. The operation involves massive strikes across Iran, with U.S. Central Command reporting that more than 1,700 targets have been hit in the first 72 hours. President Donald Trump described it as a “massive and ongoing operation” aimed at dismantling Iran’s military capabilities.
This framing matters. When leaders adopt language that emphasizes spectacle, they risk shifting public perception away from the gravity of war. The death of Iran’s supreme leader following the bombardment, for example, was a world‑altering event, yet it unfolded under a banner that evokes adrenaline rather than anguish.
The name Epic Fury does more than describe military action; it markets it. It suggests inevitability, righteousness, and even entertainment value. But war is not entertainment. It is destruction, displacement, and death. When language sanitizes or glamorizes violence, it becomes harder for the public to grapple with the ethical stakes of military force.
U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth speaks during a news conference at the Pentagon on March 2, 2026 in Arlington, Virginia. Secretary Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine held the news conference to give an update on Operation Epic Fury. (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images) (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images)
In his first briefing, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said, “Two days ago, under the direction and direct orders of President Donald J. Trump, the Department of War launched Operation Epic Fury, the most-lethal, most-complex and most-precise aerial operation in history." The phrasing is unmistakably promotional—“most-lethal,” “most-complex,” “most-precise”—as though he were unveiling a new weapons platform or a blockbuster film rather than describing a real military campaign in which real people are dying.
Hegseth’s language repeatedly frames the conflict as a long-awaited moment of righteous vengeance. He describes Iran’s actions over the past 47 years as a “savage, one-sided war against America,” and casts the U.S. response as “our retribution against their ayatollah and his death cult.” He tells the public, “If you kill Americans, if you threaten Americans anywhere on Earth, we will hunt you down without apology and without hesitation, and we will kill you.” This is not the sober language of a statesman explaining the gravity of war. It is the language of a revenge narrative—one that reduces complex geopolitical realities to a simple morality play.
The danger of this rhetoric is not merely stylistic. It shapes how the public understands the conflict. When Hegseth boasts that “America… is unleashing the most lethal and precise air power campaign in history” and celebrates the absence of “stupid rules of engagement” or “politically correct wars,” he is not simply describing military strategy. He is signaling that restraint, proportionality, and international law are obstacles to be discarded. He is inviting the public to view the overwhelming force not only as justified but also exhilarating.
This framing obscures the human consequences of the operation. Iranian cities have been struck repeatedly. Civilian infrastructure has been damaged. Families are fleeing. Hospitals are overwhelmed. These realities are nowhere in Hegseth’s remarks. Instead, he speaks of “epic fury,” “lethality,” and a “generational turning point,” as though the suffering of ordinary people is irrelevant to the story he wants to tell. Even when acknowledging American casualties, he uses them to justify further escalation: “No apologies, no hesitation, epic fury for them and the thousands of Americans before them taken too soon by Iranian radicals.”
The rhetoric also encourages a dangerous sense of inevitability and triumphalism. Hegseth tells U.S. troops, “We are not defenders anymore. We are warriors, trained to kill the enemy and break their will.” He assures them, “We will finish this on America-first conditions of President Trump’s choosing, nobody else’s.” This is not the language of limited, carefully calibrated military action. It is the language of totalizing conflict—conflict framed as destiny, as purification, as a test of national character.
When war is framed this way, dissent becomes harder. Nuance becomes suspect. Civilian casualties become collateral to a narrative of righteous fury. And the public becomes more likely to accept open-ended conflict when it is packaged as a spectacle rather than a tragedy.
The United States has a long history of naming military operations in ways that evoke purpose or resolve—Desert Storm, Enduring Freedom, Inherent Resolve. But Epic Fury marks a shift toward something more explicitly theatrical. It is not a name meant to clarify objectives or communicate seriousness. It is a name meant to excite, to dramatize, to sell.
War is not a product. It is not a storyline. It is not a moment for branding. It is a human catastrophe, even when undertaken for reasons leaders deem necessary. When officials adopt language that glamorizes violence and reduces geopolitical complexity to a revenge narrative, they erode the public’s ability to understand the true stakes of military action.
The question now is whether the public will accept this Hollywood‑style packaging of war—or whether it will demand a return to language that reflects the gravity of life, death, and the responsibilities of a democratic nation.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network
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Analysis of Donald Trump’s second-term immigration crackdown, mass deportation plan, and ICE policies, examining human rights concerns, due process, and historical parallels.
Getty Images, SCM Jeans
Are Trump’s Mass Deportations Leading to State‑Sanctioned Persecution?
Mar 06, 2026
For the past 14 months, Americans of all political persuasions have witnessed how Trump’s ICE-related actions have involved aggressive detention and demonization of immigrants and minorities. Historians have not observed this large-scale scope of discrimination behavior since 1953-1955, when President Dwight Eisenhower (R) deported ~1.3 million Mexicans from America, including U.S. citizens of Mexican descent and, in some cases, anyone of Mexican appearance, because agents assumed they were undocumented.
Actions by Mr. Trump and personnel within the Department of Homeland Security, Customs and Border Protection, ICE, and the FBI have been widely criticized as violating the core American values of equal protection for all families and respect for basic rights. Across the political spectrum, many see these actions as targeting immigrants and minorities in ways that undermine our nation’s shared commitment to fairness, justice, and constitutional equality. Knowing Americans have witnessed two citizens being killed in Minneapolis and one person in Texas by ICE agents, we may be on the verge of systemic persecution and state‑sanctioned violence on a scale not seen in modern American life.
Mr. Trump’s second-term mass-deportation agenda is projected by major human rights and immigration groups to cause large-scale constitutionally protected violations that affect liberty, family unity, due process, and our democracy. For example, the ACLU warned in a 2025 policy analysis that, “Rushed and sweeping mass deportation efforts will unavoidably ensnare families, long-term residents, and even U.S. citizens, resulting in unlawful detentions and breakdowns of due process.” These projections are based on case reviews, government data, and legal precedent.
Let’s take a closer look at this issue.
Human rights impacts of Trump’s 2.0 mass deportation plan
After Trump’s 2.0 inauguration (Jan. 20, 2025), he shut down the asylum process at America’s borders. Over 30,000 pending asylum cases were cancelled, disproportionately impacting people of color. This also means people who have strong human rights protection claims are being summarily refused to even apply for asylum, which is in violation of U.S. and refugee law.
Mr. Trump has stripped Temporary Protected Status (TPS) from well over a million people, instantly turning away people who have peacefully lived in and contributed to the U.S. economy. The U.S. Department of Justice acknowledges that immigrants, including those with TPS, have lower crime rates and lower incarceration rates than native-born U.S. citizens.
Mr. Trump’s executive order to end birthright citizenship for children of undocumented parents – mostly people of color -- could leave about 222,000 U.S.-born children, born every year, vulnerable to expulsion from the only country they know. Trump’s order is in direct violation of the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which clearly states that "all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States."
During Mr. Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign, he called migrants “animals, not human,” “stone-cold killers,” “savages,” people who are “eating cats,” “bad genes,” and that they were “poisoning the blood of our country.” These dehumanizing phrases echo language associated with the far-right and Nazi-accepting “Great Replacement” theory that historically supports ethnic cleansing campaigns. An October 2024 national poll found two-thirds of Republicans endorse some form of the Great Replacement conspiracy theory (The Bulletin).
The "Big Beautiful Bill Act" increased ICE detention funding by over 300 percent. Many allege this permitted a dramatic expansion of an already abusive detention system. Since Trump’s 2.0 inauguration, here’s the data: 212 detention centers, 393,000 arrests, 68,289 in detention centers (as of Feb. 7), 32 people died in ICE custody in 2025 and six in 2026, ~50,000 people in detention centers have no criminal convictions, and the majority of those arrested are of Mexican and Central America descent (USAFacts).
Additionally, at least 3,800 children under age 18 have been booked into ICE detention centers, with over 500 of them under the age of five, and at least 20 were infants. The vast majority of the children are Latino. At least 1,000 of these children were held longer than 30 days, which violates a court-ordered limit on child detention (The Marshall Project).
Violation of rights
Analysts argue that Trump’s mass-deportation policy bypasses citizens’ right to due process and legal representation (guaranteed in the 5th and 14th Amendments to the Constitution). Trump’s deportation procedures greatly weaken America’s 250-year checks and balances posture, with immigration being used as the wedge.
On Jan. 14, Judge William Young – appointed by President Ronald Reagan – called Donald Trump an “authoritarian” and said his administration “conspired to infringe” on the First Amendment rights of activists whom the government has targeted for deportation (USA Today, Feb. 22).
On Jan. 23, Judge Patrick Schiltz – appointed by President George W. Bush – wrote in an opinion, “attached to this order is an appendix that identifies 96 court orders that ICE has violated in 74 cases. This list should give pause to anyone – no matter his or her political beliefs – who cares about the rule of law. ICE is not a law unto itself.” (ibid.)
In total, 373 judges – 44 appointed by Trump – have rejected Trump’s mass detention strategy in at least 3,500 cases (Politico, Feb. 12).
Hitler-Trump resemblance
The mother of a close friend – raised in Austria during Hitler’s Nazi regime and an eventual Illinois resident – shared with her daughter that what she experienced in Austria during 1938-1945 is very similar to what Americans are experiencing under Trump’s regime. The mother and other Austrian girls went to the forest during the daytime to hide and not be captured by the Nazi. Likewise, thousands of American parents are hiding their children from ICE.
Resolve
As of Feb. 2026, nearly two-thirds of Americans say ICE and Mr. Trump have gone too far in the immigration crackdown. "We the People" should demand our 535 Congressional delegates to bring Trump’s ethnic cleansing campaign to an abrupt halt; enough is enough.
To turn this outrage into action, call your House member’s district office this week and urge them to publicly oppose Trump’s mass-deportation plan. Ask them to introduce or co-sponsor legislation that restores legal protections for all families and reaffirms America’s commitment to fairness and equal rights. Your single call can help shift the conversation from fear to justice.
Steve Corbin is a professor emeritus of marketing at the University of Northern Iowa.
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Analysis of concentrated power in the U.S. political economy, examining inequality, institutional trust, executive authority, and the need for equal access and competitive markets.
Chalermpon Poungpeth/EyeEm/Getty Images
America: What We Want, What We Have, What We Need
Mar 06, 2026
Equal Access in an Age of Concentrated Power
The American constitutional system was designed to restrain power, not to pursue a single national mission. Authority was divided across branches, diffused among states, and slowed by deliberate friction. As James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 51, ambition was meant to counteract ambition. The design assumed competing interests would prevent domination.
For more than two centuries, that architecture has endured. The United States remains the world’s largest economy by nominal GDP, according to the World Bank’s World Development Indicators, with deep capital markets and a formidable innovation system.
But constitutional survival is not the same as national alignment. A system can remain intact while drifting from the conditions that once sustained it. The central question is whether the incentives now operating in the American political economy still support equal access to opportunity, political voice, and competitive markets, or whether those avenues of entry are being constricted by concentrated power.
That distinction is the hinge of the moment.
The America We Want
Despite deep partisan division, Americans continue to express shared expectations about opportunity, fair process, and institutional stability.
They want upward mobility that feels real.
They want elections that are credible and orderly.
They want markets where new entrants can compete.
They want rules that bind both public officials and concentrated wealth.
They want stability without stagnation.
The American promise has never been equality of outcome. It has been access. Over time, constitutional amendments, civil rights reforms, and market guardrails expanded participation and recalibrated concentration. One premise endured: the system must remain open enough for effort and innovation to translate into advancement.
Equal access is not just rhetoric. It is the operating condition of a durable republic. It is civic because it protects equal standing before the law. It is economic because it preserves entry and contestability. It is strategic because systems that deny access generate instability.
The America We Have
The United States remains productive and powerful. Yet concentration has intensified in ways that alter incentives.
Research from the National Bureau of Economic Research documents rising wealth inequality over recent decades. Separate NBER empirical work finds sustained increases in aggregate markups and firm-level pricing power across the U.S. economy. Long-term data from the Pew Research Center record declining public trust in federal institutions.
These patterns do not signal collapse. They signal structural drift.
The deeper issue is political capture: concentrated economic power converting into durable influence over regulatory design, tax structure, education, public information, enforcement priorities, and legislative agendas.
The pattern is self-reinforcing. Concentration increases bargaining power. Bargaining power shapes rulemaking and tax provisions. Complexity advantages incumbents over new entrants. Barriers rise in housing, healthcare, finance, and digital platforms. Mobility narrows. Perceived fairness declines. Polarization then weakens oversight, allowing capture to deepen.
The Constitution remains. Operating incentives increasingly favor incumbency.
A System Under Visible Stress
A year into a second presidential term marked by assertive executive action, institutional strain is visible.
Expanded use of executive authority in areas traditionally shaped through legislative negotiation, coupled with limited legislative push-back and periods of judicial acquiescence, has shifted the balance of constitutional power in practice toward the executive. Oversight disputes reveal how much depends on informal norms. Public controversies over conflict-of-interest boundaries sharpen concern about guardrails separating private interest and public office.
These vulnerabilities accumulated over time. When polarization erodes congressional cohesion, executive discretion expands. When economic concentration intersects with executive consolidation, capture becomes more durable.
Governance instability has measurable economic effects. Regulatory unpredictability delays investment. Political volatility raises risk premiums. Allies hedge. Domestic actors price uncertainty into capital allocation. Under these conditions, the structure of governance becomes a live determinant of economic stability and national resilience.
Open Systems and Closed Systems
The central divide is structural.
Open systems protect entry and competition. Closed systems protect incumbency and convert leverage into insulation from accountability. Equal access is the practical test. When entry narrows and influence concentrates beyond accountability, the system begins to close.
As access to political voice, housing, infrastructure participation, and capital narrows, economic and geographic mobility decline. Legitimacy erodes. Volatility rises. That cross-sector volatility can drive new coalitions among actors who would not otherwise align.
Historical Precedent for Realignment
This is not unprecedented.
Industrial consolidation and railroad rate manipulation in the late nineteenth century triggered investigations that culminated in the Sherman Antitrust Act. Visible bank runs during the Great Depression precipitated financial restructuring. The GI Bill broadened asset ownership and education access, anchoring postwar growth in wider participation.
Realignment occurred when instability threatened durability.
Why Alliances Begin to Form
Alliances form when instability crosses sector boundaries.
Younger households face blocked entry into asset ownership. Small and mid-sized firms confront rising entry costs. State and local leaders face stagnation tied to constrained housing supply. National security planners confront concentrated supply chains. Institutional investors and retirement savers tied to long-term market performance price governance volatility as systemic risk. Rule-of-law advocates respond to the erosion of accountability.
These pressures arise from multiple forces. Technology, globalization, regulatory design, political incentives, and federal tax structures that disproportionately reward capital accumulation at the top all play roles. Tax provisions favoring capital gains and inherited wealth accelerate concentration and dampen broad-based asset formation. Concentrated power amplifies these dynamics by shaping rules and insulating incumbents.
When foundational systems become less contestable and less predictable, cross-bloc alliances become rational. Convergence does not require identical policy agendas. It requires agreement that access to ownership, markets, representation, and accountability must remain open enough to sustain mobility and legitimacy.
The America We Need
The country does not need ideological purity tests. It needs structural openness.
Reform in closed systems rarely begins with those who benefit from closure. It emerges when the economic and political costs of entrenchment become too visible to ignore.
Recommitment to competitive markets and transparent guardrails reduces rent extraction and capture. Tax structures that tilt toward capital concentration warrant recalibration to strengthen broad-based asset formation and widen ownership. A durable framework requires institutionalized review of major tax expenditures and regulatory privileges, with automatic sunset unless demonstrated to support broad-based mobility and competition. Such review could rely on independent budget authorities and require affirmative congressional reauthorization tied to transparent metrics.
Expanded housing supply improves mobility. Credible election administration stabilizes governance. Energy systems designed for participation widen opportunity.
These steps do not eliminate disagreement. They restore access.
What we want is an open system where effort translates into mobility and voice retains meaning.
What we have is a powerful but increasingly closed system that concentrates influence and narrows entry.
What we need is renewed structural openness before closure becomes entrenched.
The question is whether the system remains open enough for disagreement to occur within durable and legitimate institutions.
Edward Saltzberg is the Executive Director of the Security and Sustainability Forum and writes The Stability Brief.
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Will Trump’s moves ever awaken conservatives?