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A Time to Choose Sides

Opinion

A Time to Choose Sides

A gavel and a scale of justice.

Getty Images, Witoon Pongsit

Donald Trump posted a picture of himself on social media next to a quote: “He who saves his Country violates no Law” [sic]. Attributed to Napoleon, the quote means that, with the right intentions, nothing should constrain executive power. It echoes statements by Vice President Vance and others that the administration need not abide by court orders blocking their illegal and unconstitutional actions.

These statements are nothing less than a complete rejection of the American system of government. As Americans see this rejection for what it is, they aren’t going to like it. A poll, released last week from Marquette University Law School, found that 83% of those surveyed—including 77% of Republicans—believe that the President must abide by court orders. It’s why it is critically important for all Americans to see these comments in this light, and act accordingly. Many people are doing it already. Here’s what everyone needs to understand.


First, Americans revere the Constitution—more than 85% have a favorable view of it, according to a 2024 poll by the Cato Institute. The principles underlying the Constitution are an inherent aspect of what it means to be an American, and the norms and traditions that flow from them—including the rule of law—are part of what has made America into the world’s most powerful nation and its most influential culture.

Second, lawmakers and government officials face important dilemmas, and they need support and encouragement to uphold their oaths to protect the Constitution. Last week, the Trump-appointed U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York, Danielle Sassoon, resigned, rather than follow a directive from Attorney General Pam Bondi to illegally and unethically dismiss charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams. In a detailed letter, Sassoon laid out her rationale for refusing this order. Her deputy, Hagan Scotten, resigned as well, along with several other officials. These are principled and honorable people. Their actions should be held in the highest regard. Lawyers and legal organizations must step forward to represent these brave officials in the retaliatory investigations that have been threatened to ensue from their adherence to ethical principles.

Third, the press must recognize how the public feels about the Constitution and the rule of law. Americans know that it is not too much to expect the government to follow the law and the Constitution. Unfortunately, too much news reporting frames issues in terms of political debates, where there are two legitimate sides. However, there are not two sides in a debate in which one side calls for the destruction of the American system of government.

“Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty” is a quote often attributed to Thomas Jefferson. Nearly 60% of Americans agree with its sentiments. Unlike the supposed Napoleon quote, this one is about the liberty of the people, not the untrammeled power of a despot. And this is really the issue. Like an immune system, Americans will reject this foreign view of our system of government. Each of us must understand the stakes of this fight—and decide which side we are on.


Evan Falchuk is the chair of the executive committee of Lawyers Defending American Democracy, a non-partisan organization galvanizing lawyers to uphold the rule of law and the Constitution.

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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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