Molineaux is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and president/CEO of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
In early September 2023, I attended a “ Gathering at the Intersection of Wellbeing and Social Change” which hosted 150 social change agents from North America. It was a regional summit, part of a global transformational voyage that strengthens our individual and collective wellbeing – and ripples out into the world. This is the first in a series of interviews that originated at the Wellbeing Summit.
Debilyn Molineaux (DM): We met at the Wellbeing Summit, co-hosted by The Omega Institute and Harlem Wellness Center. When I heard you speak, I heard the thoughtfulness you bring to movement building. And as a builder of the pro-democracy field or ecosystem or movement, you have knowledge that could be helpful! Let’s start with what is the Building Movement Project? And what movements have you supported?
Deepa Iyer (DI): Building Movement Project is an national nonprofit organization that has been around for 20 years. The mission is to catalyze social change by organizations, movements, individuals and networks. We do this with three strategies.
First, we conduct research on the nonprofit sector and what social movements need. This year we are doing a series of reports on movement infrastructure. What do organizations need to consider or tend to when facing ongoing outside threats? A previous report includes the needs of BIPOC+ led organizations, especially in terms of the pandemic and racial reckoning.
Second, we provide accessible tools and resources. We create a lot of different types of resources and guides to help nonprofit organizations and leaders with their own work. One example includes a tool we recently released called, “ How to write a solidarity statement.” It’s a simple and easy, reflection-based tool.
Our last strategy is fostering relationships. This has a lot to do with solidarity, which is one of those buzzwords, but also a strategy that requires deep and authentic relationship building. We often facilitate conversations between movements and their leaders around solidarity strategy or understanding the practices of solidarity and more.
DM: This word, solidarity, came into my awareness during the Polish strikes before the fall of the Soviet Union. I didn’t know what the word was or meant. Would you describe what solidarity means to you?
DI: There are a couple of different ways to understand solidarity. Many people think of it as a buzzword or a hashtag. When we talk about solidarity at the Building Movement Project, we really convey that it is a verb, it is a practice and an action. Solidarity is about how you show up. There is meaning and intention with how you show up.
I also want to emphasize that it’s a concept that has been around for generations. Solidarity is a way people took care of each other. When people may have felt isolated as an immigrant or didn’t have enough resources, people formed mutual aid groups and leaned on each other. This is also solidarity.
In a movement context, there are a couple of different practices that we can use to understand solidarity. One way is to center the needs and demands of the people most affected by the particular set of inequities. What does it mean for us to lift up, pass the mic, open doors, for the communities that are most affected, but are not in leadership positions or at the table?
Another practice is thinking about connections and commonalities between what seems to be disparate communities. We want to identify the threads that connect us. It may be what we want for the future, for our children. It may be shared systemic oppression, like migrants from different countries that may share the same challenges from bad immigration policy. At the same time we do that, we don’t need to engage in oppression olympics or flatten all experience as the same. Centering connections and commonalities are just two ways to use solidarity as a verb. So much of solidarity is about the intention, and asking oneself, “why am I here?” “how am I showing up?” and “what is my own privilege?”
DM: What led you to movement building?
DI: Much of what I’ve learned about movements and solidarity comes from my work after the horrible attacks of 9/11. I worked in South Asian, Arab and Sikh communities for about 15 years and learned the importance of finding commonalities and connections between communities. I learned that there are a variety of strategies to be used from advocacy to service provision to organizing. Learning how to build community at the grassroots level and also amongst and through networks. That work steeped me for the work I’m doing now. I was a frontline responder and I’m taking what I learned and putting it to use as a guide and a storyteller.
DM: One of the reasons movement building and solidarity is fascinating to me right now is my own work, which started as a trans-partisan or cross-partisan attempt to achieve better policy, and has now morphed into a pro-democracy field due to the authoritarian threats we see worldwide. What I am witnessing is that everyone seems to have their pet project of how to fix democracy, and then they cling to it, out of ego or other strong attachment that they seem unwilling or unable to work well with others. What have you seen, where too much ego or too much attachment have gotten in the way? And how do we move forward?
DI: It’s quite common in movement spaces to operate in silos. When we do this, we work in our lane, without awareness of the larger movement or ecosystem. And when that happens, egos and logos get ahead of what the actual values are. Other times we compete for resources without knowing it, or take credit when we shouldn’t. One way to alleviate or address these tendencies is to think of ourselves as part of a broader movement ecosystem. We can identify various roles that we are playing as organizations, within the larger democracy ecosystem. And the work we do, should be in service to the movement's shared values.
There is a framework I’ve developed called the social change ecosystem framework. It invites us to think about the roles our organizations can play in service to the pro-democracy movement, like the visionary or the storyteller or the disrupter roles. Once we identify those roles, how do we communicate with each other? How do we uplift each other? The visionary organization may have big plans drafted into a really brilliant new policy, but the storyteller organization needs to polish and share it with the public to gain support. Without those connections, we are unable to actually win or collaborate to win.
We need to make sure there are clear ways we communicate with each other across roles. And often that happens through the role of the “weaver” organization in the ecosystem, who pulls different organizations together. It helps to be really clear about what the shared values are, even if there is no consensus. A conversation about values can identify where there is consensus and areas where we are still figuring it out. These are practices that are helpful in movement building, and are fairly common.
DM: Thank you and I’d like to go a little deeper. What do you think is the role of pro-democracy efforts inside of other movements? Or is pro-democracy a movement in and of itself?
DI: Most social movements, especially progressive social movements are thinking about democracy as part of what they are trying to advance in the world. What I see more is that we have these movements that seem to be siloed. How is the democracy movement connecting to other movements like climate justice or immigrant rights? What are the pro-democracy values that could be embodied in those movements? That kind of weaving the throughlines could be really helpful to share similar language and vocabulary and provide mutual aid. It also helps share a similar story to the public to avoid competing narratives. To me the question is, are the throughlines between the movements there? And what kind of infrastructure does it take to create and nurture those throughlines?
DM: I believe we are in the “figuring it out space” on pro-democracy and other movements. One of the big questions we are facing is that because people who want social change tend to be more progressive, we find that democracy itself is being seen as a progressive cause. So the traditionalists are viewing the byproduct of democracy means they are going to lose to social change (in elections, in culture). How can we uphold democracy as a shared value in the United States?
DI: We need to address this head-on. There are some white people in this country who think the browning of America means a sense of scarcity, or polarization and more. We can’t get to democracy without including everyone. We have to address what people are feeling, where they are. Just beating the drum on democracy isn’t enough if they feel like there are not enough resources, or they have to compete with others or others are taking things away that belong to them. So it’s very important to address these challenges as part of this broader movement. Stating democracy as an American value isn’t sufficient to have people support democracy.
DM: You’ve given me and our readers a lot to think about. Thank you. We’re in the home stretch and it’s time for a fun question. What are you binge watching now?
DI: I’m not watching anything at the moment, but my favorite is Succession. I’ve binge watched it twice now. It’s so, so good. Brilliant.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.