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Song: Up On The Roof

Song: Up On The Roof
Credit: Tetiana Lazunova/Getty Images

Wayne is the author of four books and a practitioner of acupuncture, Chinese medicine and integrative medicine. He is the director and producer of "On the Path to Strawberry Fields."

Carole King and Gerry Goffin wrote the song"Up On The Roof"back in 1962. The Drifters made it a big hit that same year.


Other people also sang it, including Julie Grant, Kenny Lynch, Little Eva, Jimmy Justice, Richard Anthony, Laura Nyro, Ike and Tina Turner, Kenny Rankin, the Nylons, the Cover Girls, and Tuck and Patti.

Bruce Springsteen and The E Street Band covered the song live in 1975 during their initial Born to Run tour. And James Taylor did a version that remains his last top 40 hit as a soloist.

I'm talking about the iconic "Up on the Roof," with lyrics that begin:

When this old world starts getting me down

And people are just too much for me to face

I climb way up to the top of the stairs

And all my cares just drift right into space

Right now for many of us, going up on the roof doesn't sound like a bad idea. This old world is getting a lot of us down, and for many people it is just too much to face. It would be a mighty fine feeling for all cares to just drift right off into space.

I don't blame you for thinking that way. It's been a season of turbulence. We're seeing weather extremes — hurricanes, storms, severe heat, fires, floods, earthquakes and more — all within the context of the recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report saying we are nearing a tipping point on climate change.

We're seeing the ravages of war, as the U.S. ends its engagement in Afghanistan.

We're seeing a pandemic that seemingly has no end.

And we're seeing people at each other's throats, ready to seemingly kill one another over these and many other issues that divide us as Americans.

Can we find our way? Or is the only answer to go up on the roof?

We are warring among ourselves, and ultimately, we are warring with our own psyches, stuck in an endless cycle of anger, fear, hate, greed, selfishness, loneliness, fragmentation, trauma, abuse, addiction and more.

We need to love more, and be loved more. We need to be heard, and hear others. We need to care for others, and be cared for. We need to give more to others, without asking for anything in return. We need to appreciate our differences. And we need to slow down.

Furthermore, it can't be all about money and power over others. We must find the balance between materialism and the public good; i.e. the water, the air, the forests, and all other living and nonliving organisms. We can live in synergy with all these, if we want. Or we can choose the path of destruction.

The choice is ours. I think the answer is obvious, in that most of us want peace. And love.

There is a path forward. Through social cohesion, in which we come together as a people. We can move away from this dystopian nightmare and move towards a more just, compassionate, caring, sustainable, regenerative and wise future.

There is a way to get there. It will take political will, a re-thinking about how best to allocate our resources and, perhaps most importantly, a change in mindset — akin to a spiritual transformation. We need to go from a scarcity way of living to an abundance approach.

The famed economist John Maynard Keynes envisioned a world that was a post-scarcity society and wrote about it in his 1930 essay "Economic Possibilities for Our Grandchildren." He saw a coming age of abundance within 100 years. That means we've got nine years to bring Keynes' vision to fruition.

Man, do we have a lot of work ahead of us. But we can do it. I have faith.

Just remember, it's all about the Commons and the public good. By focusing on these, we can find our way.

To put it in easy- to-remember terms: share and care, collaborate and cooperate. And also, as the Ink Spots, Sam Cooke, Bing Crosby, Frank Sinatra and others sang, "The Best Things in Life Are Free." The songwriting team of Buddy DeSylva, Lew Brown and Ray Henderson wrote in 1927:

The moon belongs to everyone

The best things in life are free

The stars belong to everyone

They gleam there for you and for me

The flowers in spring, the robins that sing

The moonbeams that shine

They're yours, they're mine

And love can come to everyone

The best things in life are free

And love can come to everyone

The best things in life are free

In the interim, if you do feel like going up on the roof so that all your cares just drift off into space, be my guest. And when you come back down, be ready to have a renewed vigor for the transformation ahead.

We can do it.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

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The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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